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How Thailand’s Refugee Detention System Evades Accountability Ahead of UN Human Rights Review

How Thailand’s Refugee Detention System Evades Accountability Ahead of UN Human Rights Review As Thailand prepares for its next Universal Periodic Review (UPR) before the United Nations Human Rights Council in November 2026, human rights advocates warn that the country continues to rely on legal ambiguities and weak enforcement mechanisms that leave refugees vulnerable to arbitrary detention, torture, and forced return despite existing legal safeguards. On 11 June, Fortify Rights called on the Thai government to immediately end the arbitrary arrest, detention, torture, and forced return of refugees, arguing that Thailand’s upcoming UPR review will test whether authorities have genuinely implemented commitments made during previous review cycles. Thailand is serving as a member of the UN Human Rights Council for the 2025 – 2027 term. Meanwhile, it faces growing international criticism over its treatment of asylum seekers, including refugees from Myanmar and Uyghurs deported to China despite warnings from UN experts that they could face torture upon return. Concerns have also been raised over the deportation of activists, among them UN-recognised refugees. Anti-Torture Law Meets Immigration Detention Reality Thailand's Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act, which entered into force in 2023, was widely praised as a landmark reform intended to strengthen protections against torture and refoulement—the forced return of individuals to countries where they face serious harm. However, legal experts and rights groups argue that implementation remains weak, and accountability mechanisms are ineffective. While the law formally prohibits state officials from returning individuals to places where they risk torture or enforced disappearance, immigration detention practices continue to operate within a largely separate administrative framework. Refugees and asylum seekers are routinely detained under immigration laws because Thailand still lacks a comprehensive refugee protection system and has not acceded to the 1951 Refugee Convention. This legal gap creates what advocates describe as a "gray zone" in which immigration detainees remain outside many of the oversight mechanisms envisioned under the anti-torture legislation. Human rights organizations have repeatedly argued that immigration authorities exercise broad discretion with limited judicial scrutiny, making accountability difficult when allegations of abuse emerge. Detention Without Recognition According to Fortify Rights, Thailand's National Screening Mechanism (NSM), introduced as a protection framework for people fleeing persecution, has produced limited results. Although Thai authorities highlighted the mechanism during previous international reviews, only a handful of individuals reportedly obtained protected status during the first year after implementation. The organization further noted that several vulnerable groups remain excluded from the process, including many Rohingya refugees and Myanmar nationals holding migrant-worker documentation. As a result, thousands of people fleeing armed conflict and persecution continue to face the possibility of arrest and detention as undocumented migrants despite seeking protection. For refugees from Myanmar, the situation has become increasingly urgent as violence continues following the 2021 military coup. More than three million people have been displaced inside Myanmar, while tens of thousands have sought refuge across the Thai border. Forced Returns Raise Questions of Accountability Concerns over Thailand's treatment of refugees have intensified following a series of high-profile deportation and detention cases that human rights organisations say illustrate persistent failures to uphold the principle of non-refoulement. Despite adopting new legal safeguards against torture and enforced disappearance, authorities have continued to detain and, in some cases, return individuals to countries where they face credible risks of persecution, torture, or other serious human rights violations. The most widely criticised case occurred in February 2025, when Thai authorities deported 40 Uyghur asylum seekers to China after more than a decade in immigration detention. The deportation prompted condemnation from the UN Human Rights Chief, human rights organisations, and several foreign governments, all of which warned that the individuals faced a substantial risk of arbitrary detention, torture, enforced disappearance, and other forms of ill-treatment upon their return. Human Rights Watch described the removals as a clear violation of Thailand's obligations under both international law and its own Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act, which prohibits returning individuals to places where they are likely to face torture or enforced disappearance (Human Rights Watch, 2025). Concerns have also centred on the treatment of Y Quynh Bdap, a Montagnard human rights activist and UN-recognised refugee. Thai authorities arrested him in Bangkok in 2024 following an extradition request from Vietnam, despite repeated warnings from UN experts and rights organisations that returning him would expose him to politically motivated prosecution and possible ill-treatment. In late 2025, Thai authorities deported Bdap to Vietnam, where he had previously been sentenced in absentia on terrorism-related charges that supporters argue were politically motivated. Human rights organisations have also documented the prolonged immigration detention of several Chinese dissidents and asylum seekers in Thailand while authorities considered deportation requests from Beijing. Rights groups argue that these cases demonstrate how immigration detention can function as a mechanism of prolonged pressure and uncertainty, leaving refugees vulnerable to forced return despite international protection concerns. Taken together, these cases have reinforced broader concerns ahead of Thailand's 2026 Universal Periodic Review. Rights organisations argue that allegations of unlawful deportation and refoulement rarely result in independent investigations or meaningful accountability for officials involved in detention and transfer decisions, raising questions about whether Thailand's legal safeguards are being effectively implemented in practice. International Pressure Builds Before November Review For refugees from Myanmar, the situation has become increasingly urgent as violence continues following the 2021 military coup. According to the United Nations, more than three million people have been internally displaced by armed conflict, airstrikes, and widespread human rights violations, while many others have fled to neighbouring countries, including Thailand, in search of safety. Despite these protection needs, many Myanmar nationals who cross into Thailand remain classified as irregular migrants rather than refugees because the country lacks a comprehensive asylum system. Consequently, they face arrest, prolonged immigration detention, and the risk of deportation, even when they are fleeing persecution or armed conflict. For advocates, the key question is no longer whether Thailand possesses the necessary legal tools to prevent torture and unlawful returns. Instead, they argue, the issue is whether authorities are willing to apply those protections consistently within immigration detention systems that continue to operate with limited transparency. As international scrutiny intensifies ahead of November's review, the experiences of refugees held in Bangkok's immigration detention facilities may become a critical measure of whether Thailand's human rights commitments extend beyond diplomatic statements and into everyday practice. eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-08-05 - 16:09 * Round Up (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Thailand in damage-control mode after deadly attacks threaten to derail the peace process

Thailand in damage-control mode after deadly attacks threaten to derail the peace process Royal Thai Army Chief of Staff Gen Chaiyapruek Duangprapat, did not mince words. Visiting Narathiwat the day after six Barisan Revolusi Nasional Melayu Patani (BRN) combatants gunned down five Paramilitary Rangers at close range, he warned: “Those who provide hiding places, and any country that provides hiding places, should know that we will pursue them to the ends of the earth.” He told the perpetrators to watch their backs when they eat, sleep, or walk. “The time has come for you to become the hunted.” The July 22 ambush, in which gunmen riding in the back of a pickup truck opened fire, also wounded six civilian bystanders, including a three-year-old girl and a ten-year-old boy. It came just 24 hours after a car bomb tore through the Khao Tanyong police station in Narathiwat’s Muang district; the driver jumped clear before it detonated.  Footage of the Rangers being shot spread rapidly on social media, triggering both public outrage and renewed criticism of the armed forces’ enormous budget, which critics say has done little to change the course of the conflict. Chaiyapruek, already known for his hard line on the Cambodia border dispute, stopped short of naming Malaysia as a possible haven for the gunmen. But given the scale of media attention, his remarks read as much as a soundbite for public consumption as a statement of policy. For a military establishment more accustomed to being at the receiving end of guerrilla-style, hit-and-run tactics, the July 22 killings were a humiliation.  “This was not your average hit-and-run incident. The insurgents took the fight to us and took out our troops,” said one Thai military intelligence officer who spoke on condition of anonymity.  In response, the government paused high-level official talks and demanded that BRN explain the spike in violence just as the peace process appeared to be gaining momentum. Long-time observers say the demand was less a genuine search for answers than a face-saving measure for a military caught off guard; whatever BRN says in their reply will almost be beside the point. Bangkok is buying time and managing optics while the public calls for revenge, even as talks at the technical level between BRN and Thai officials continue. BRN supporters say there is no need for the movement to “overreact or get bent out of shape” over the demands from the Thai side.  Instead, a counter demand from BRN includes opening up the cultural space in Patani to accommodate Malay identity and language and scrapping the Southern Economic Corridor (SEC) project, in exchange for a temporary cessation of violence (TCOV) — the centrepiece of the current horse-trading. This message was also passed through the Chair of the Prime Minister’s advisory board, Wan Muhamad Noor Matha, during a recent meeting in Jakarta. BRN has for years consistently signalled openness to a reduction in violence provided certain conditions are met, including international and local monitors on the ground.  Complicating matters today, a BRN negotiation-team official said, is the fact that Malaysia’s current facilitator is on his way out, with a replacement, expected to be a retired general, yet to be named. For Bangkok, the transition came in handy as it provides a convenient excuse as to why a pause is needed.  In response to the July 22 daring attack, the Army abruptly reversed its recent posture of security relaxation, invoking the Martial Law Act across Narathiwat and granting security forces the authority to search vehicles and homes linked to separatist elements without a warrant.  A monkey wrench from within If the Army’s response was aimed outward, the peace process had already been damaged from within even for the July 21 car bomb and the July 22 killing of the five Rangers. Three days before Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s two-day official visit to Malaysia on July 9-10, Defence Minister Lt Gen Adul Boonthamcharoen was quoted by Isra News questioning whether the government needed to talk to BRN at all.  “The government has no business talking to the BRN,” Adul said, before appearing to contradict himself in the same breath: “And we will not elevate the status of the dialogue any more than necessary” — suggesting he is aware of the process but unhappy with it. The timing could hardly have been worse. Anutin was due in Kuala Lumpur to meet his counterpart Anwar Ibrahim and discuss, among other things, conflict resolution in Patani. Adul’s comments were, by several accounts, humiliating for the prime minister, and indirectly gave BRN a measure of justification for the violence that followed.  It remains unclear whether Adul’s scepticism was connected to a mystery caller who separately telephoned Isra News claiming to be a BRN commander in Narathiwat, offering to surrender more than 100 combatants in exchange for an Army withdrawal from the “area.” One veteran observer suspects the call was a ploy by the old guard of the Fourth Army Area, resentful at being replaced by commanders from the Second Army Area, and was meant to provoke their replacements — who, the observer said, kept their cool. Adul’s own rebuttal of Chaiyapruek — noting that BRN combatants are also Thai nationals and that dialogue remains the best option — drew a harsh reaction on social media, forcing a teary-eyed defence minister to clarify he had been misunderstood.  “Thai officials tend to contradict one another when it comes to the conflict in Patani. This is because the government doesn’t have a comprehensive strategy that unites all the key agencies and ministries,” said Artef Sohko, President of the political action group, The Patani. Thailand’s domestic politics has long held the peace process hostage, and official talks — which began back in 2013 — have proceeded in fits and starts ever since. But observers agree the biggest spoiler has always been the military, many of whose generals believe that talking to the rebels unnecessarily legitimizes them.  “It was the army who refused to accept that the conflict is political in nature and insisted all along on using military means to crush the insurgents,” Artef said.  Artef and The Patani have often acted as the go-between for the BRN, Thai government agencies, Malaysia and members of the international community working on conflict resolution. His group was instrumental in getting the BRN to declare a unilateral ceasefire during the COVID-19 pandemic in response to the request from the UN Sec-Gen António Guterres to halt violence on the ground to give safe passage to health workers. Today, Artef is facing legal charges for promoting separatism.  ISOC in hot water, left and right Running parallel to the negotiating track is a long-running battle over the narrative. Two decades ago, when the current generation of separatist militants resurfaced, they were dismissed by officials as “sparrow bandits.”  Even after BRN combatants made off with roughly 400 pieces of military weaponry in the January 2004 Narathiwat arms heist, officials for years continued to portray them as drug-crazed youths following a distorted interpretation of Islam. Today, as Adul’s comments suggest, the same scepticism persists even as the government keeps sending officials to have what it insists on calling “conversations,” rather than negotiations. Overseeing much of this narrative battle is the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), nominally a civilian-chaired body under the Prime Minister’s Office but reliant in practice on the armed forces’ logistics, intelligence networks and personnel; in the far South, the ISOC officer and the RTA officer in the same district are often the same man wearing two hats.  ISOC’s information operations have long targeted local activists and human rights defenders who press security agencies for accountability, and it denies wrongdoing. But on June 11, Thailand’s Court of Appeal ordered ISOC, the Office of the Prime Minister and the Army to pay a combined 210,000 baht to Senator Angkhana Neelapaijit and Anchana Heemmina, founder of the Duay Jai human rights organization, over online posts spreading false information about them.  During recent debate over the 3.788-trillion-baht Fiscal Year 2027 budget, lawmaker Wan Muhamad Noor Matha called on the government to scrap ISOC as redundant, citing a failed assassination attempt on Narathiwat MP Kamonsak Leewamoh in which the weapon, personnel and vehicle involved reportedly belonged to ISOC — a charge that ISOC denies. Its campaigns, which began in the far South, have since expanded to target student-led reformist movements and, most recently, critics of the military’s Cambodia border policy. Positive signs, fragile gains For all the turbulence, the underlying negotiating architecture had, until recently, been moving in an encouraging direction under the National Intelligence Agency’s director, Thanut Suvarnananda. His team moved quickly to enlist an international NGO to facilitate discussions between Thai generals and their Indonesian and Philippine counterparts — officers experienced in the Aceh and Mindanao peace processes — while a second INGO has been facilitating talks between Thai officials and BRN negotiators, with Malaysian facilitators taking part.  Thailand is separately weighing a BRN request to release some detainees as a goodwill gesture, a TOR for public consultation is being drafted, and the negotiating team plans to bring Thai civil society organizations to Malaysia to meet BRN leaders, with talk of allowing some to observe the official negotiations.  The Army’s absence from the negotiating table has arguably made it easier for the two sides to reach agreements. But implementing any deal without the Army’s buy-in would be difficult. According to an informed source, the Army is considering opening a separate back channel through former Indonesian Vice President Jusuf Kalla, reflecting a long-standing desire among Thai security agencies to speak directly with BRN’s military leadership. International best practice, however, does not allow Thailand to pick and choose its interlocutors; BRN selects its own representatives, and Thailand will have to learn to work with that. Whether that lesson sticks may depend less on the negotiating table than on what happens next in Narathiwat. With the Army bristling over its most humiliating loss in recent memory, the coming weeks will test whether Thailand’s civilian and military tracks can speak with one voice — or whether, as Artef put it, they will simply keep contradicting each other.  Don Pathan is a Thailand-based security analyst focusing on conflict in Myanmar/Burma and insurgency in Thailand’s far south. eng editor 3 Tue, 2026-08-04 - 14:40 * Opinion * Deep South * insurgency * Narathiwat * Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC) (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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HRW demands investigation into threat against Deep South parliament members, activist

HRW demands investigation into threat against Deep South parliament members, activist The Thai authorities should immediately take effective measures to protect the prominent members of parliament Angkhana Neelapaijit and Romadon Panjor and the human rights defender Anchana Heemmina, all of whom have been facing online death threats and attacks, Human Rights Watch said on Friday (31 July). On July 31, 2026, Angkhana, a senator and former member of Thailand’s National Human Rights Commission, filed a complaint with the Bangkok police under the Computer-Related Crime Act that numerous posts on social media accused her of being unpatriotic and sympathetic to the separatist group Barisan Revolusi Nasional (National Revolutionary Front or BRN). Some posts said she should be killed or disappeared. Similar disinformation and hate campaigns were posted on social media against Anchana, founder of the Duay Jai human rights group, and Romadon, a member of parliament from the opposition People’s Party. “The Thai authorities should urgently and impartially investigate online attacks, including death threats, against Angkhana, Anchana, and Romadon, who have been widely recognized for their work defending human rights in Thailand’s deep south,” said Elaine Pearson, Asia director at Human Rights Watch. “Those responsible for serious threats should be brought to justice, regardless of their affiliation, to demonstrate Thailand’s commitment to protecting human rights defenders.” Online attacks against Angkhana, Anchana, and Romadon have intensified since the insurgent attack in Ra Ngae district, Narathiwat province, on July 22 that killed five soldiers and injured six civilians. Some of the abusive social media posts come from accounts allegedly affiliated with the Thai government’s information operations. In June, the court of appeal ordered the Internal Security Operations Command to pay Angkhana and Anchana compensation for damages caused by smear campaigns. People who speak out for human rights in Thailand’s deep south—the predominantly Muslim Malay provinces of Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat, plus Songkhla—where the Thai government has fought the BRN insurgency since January 2004, face grave dangers, Human Rights Watch said. Online attacks appear to have led to real life violence. In March 2004, Angkhana’s husband, human rights lawyer Somchai Neelapaijit, was abducted and his body has never been found. Substantial evidence implicated a group of police officers, who allegedly sought retaliation for Somchai’s involvement in lawsuits regarding widespread police torture of Muslim suspects in the deep south. Over the past 22 years, there have been numerous attacks, including harassment, threats, assaults, enforced disappearances, killings, and unjust prosecutions targeting human rights defenders in the deep south. None of these cases have been successfully resolved by the Thai authorities, including the assassination attempt on Kamonsak Leewamoh, a Muslim member of parliament and prominent human rights lawyer in Narathiwat province in April 2026. The authorities issued arrest warrants for three former military personnel. Human Rights Watch stated in its submission to the 53rd session of the United Nations Universal Periodic Review of Thailand’s human rights record, scheduled for November, that successive Thai governments have failed to uphold their obligations to ensure human rights defenders can carry out their work in a safe and enabling environment, in line with the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders. In November 2025, UN human rights experts expressed concern about reports of death threats and online attacks against Angkhana and the Human Rights Watch Thailand senior adviser Sunai Phasuk as a result of their comments regarding possible international humanitarian law violations during the Thailand-Cambodia border conflict. Thailand became a member of the UN Human Rights Council in 2025 and is expected to “uphold the highest standards in the protection and promotion of human rights.” Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul should commit to addressing attacks on human rights defenders and ensure that complaints of threats and harassment are swiftly and independently investigated. The Thai government should send a clear message that threats of violence will not be tolerated, Human Rights Watch said. “Concerned governments and UN agencies should press Prime Minister Anutin to hold accountable those who threaten or attack human rights defenders,” Pearson said. “Thailand should show the world that it has earned its UN Human Rights Council membership.” eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-08-03 - 13:31 * Pick to Post * Human Rights Watch (HRW) * Angkhana Neelapaijit * Anchana Heemmina (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Election Commission put on the spot as Senate collusion case escalates

Election Commission put on the spot as Senate collusion case escalates The crisis over Thailand’s Senate election collusion has entered a critical phase after Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul and eight other high-profile figures have threatened to file defamation lawsuits against the iLaw director for linking them and the ruling Bhumjaithai Party (BJT) to the scheme. As the legal battle intensifies, the Election Commission (EC) faces public scrutiny over whether it will refer this high-profile case for prosecution. It is widely believed that the ruling BJT party dominates the Thai parliament’s upper house. The incumbent Senate has been in office since 2024 after a controversial and complex self-selection process which vote-rigging has been alleged. Over one-third of Senators, known as Blue Senators after the BJT party colour, are believed to be closely tied to the ruling party. The Senate election collusion scandal reached a tipping point after iLaw director Yingcheep Atchanont submitted information to the opposition People’s Party on 21 July, requesting an investigation into the issue. According to iLaw, the Senate election collusion allegedly involved at least nine high-profile individuals, most of them cabinet members.  The nine individuals included PM Anutin, Deputy PM Songsak Thongsri, Transport Minister and Deputy PM Phiphat Ratchakitprakarn, Ministers Attached to the PM office Paradon Prissananantakul, Napintorn Srisunpang and Suksomrauy Wantaneeyakul, Government Chief Whip Korrawee Prissananantakul (Paradon’s brother), BJT MP Phichai Chomphuphon, and former Deputy House Speaker Supachai Phosu, who is now banned from politics for life.  On the same day, PM Anutin and the ruling party announced that it will pursue full-scale defamation lawsuits against Yingcheep.  iLaw also spearheaded an online signature campaign calling for the elected Constitution Drafting Assembly, a proposal which requires at least 50,000 signatures. The campaign also calls for any new constitution drafted by the CDA to be approved by a two-thirds majority of the assembly itself, rather than by parliament.  This condition is part of attempt to prevent the BJT party from using the so-called Blue Senators to control the content of the new Constitution. The BJT Party’s move seems to have backfired. Following the legal threat, the number of signatures doubled overnight and surpassed 100,000. This surge is also seen as placing pressure on the Election Commissioners’ decision whether to pursue legal proceedings against those involved in the Senate election collusion.  The first defamation lawsuit against the iLaw director was filed by Suksomrauy. It is believed that the other eight individuals will file separate cases as well, and causing Yingcheep to have to travel up and down the country to defend himself. Observers have warned that such lawsuits could be considered SLAPP suits.  The iLaw director revealed that he was prepared to enter the judicial system, adding that PM Anutin should explain the matter to the public, rather than file a lawsuit. He also asked the media and general public to keep an eye on the main case, rather than the retaliatory lawsuits, which he believed were intended to divert public attention from the bigger issue. From unprecedented election process to alleged vote-rigging The label ‘Blue Senators’ is not solely a matter of public perception but is based on several irregularities that have been detected.  The selection process involved elections by candidates only (not the general public). Candidates registered by social and professional groups and senators qualified through both intra- and inter-group elections through a multi-level voting system at the district, provincial, and national levels.  This unprecedented election process is viewed as the most complicated ever, potentially leading to rigging concerns. iLaw found that voting results were irregularly clustered and were linked to provincial-level political influence. At the national level, dozens of candidates did not receive any votes, not even voting for themselves. Notably, these candidates were from the provinces dominated by the BJT party. In addition, identical voting patterns were observed in several cases. Small provinces known as BJT strongholds also have a disproportionately large number of successful senators. It is obvious that since the senators assumed office, 120-130 of them have repeatedly voted in a bloc on multiple parliamentary motions, particularly the first motion to vote for the Senate president. The successful candidate, Mongkol Surasajja, a former Governor of Buriram Province with strong ties with the Bhumjaithai Party, received 140 more votes than the runner-up. The saga of the Senate collusion case The legal proceedings over the Senate election collusion began during the administration of former PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra from the Pheu Thai Party. The investigation was believed to be the underlying reason behind the BJT’s departure from the government coalition, although the party publicly cited the leaked "uncle clip" as the reason for its withdrawal. Earlier, the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) accepted the Senate election case as a special money laundering case.  The EC also formed its 26th investigative subcommittee, which recommended prosecution of 229 individuals, 138 of whom are now the incumbent senators.  The then Justice Minister Tawee Sodsong revealed that the DSI identified approximately 7,000 individuals, including unsuccessful and elected candidates .  In addition, several former Senate candidates sought witness protection from the DSI, claiming that they had been threatened not to testify in the case.  After Anutin became PM in September 2025, one of the witnesses reversed his testimony, asserting that no vote-rigging took place in the 2024 Senate election. He also said that he had been pressured to give false testimony against the BJT party. Later, several other witnesses reversed their testimonies.  In December 2025, the DSI decided to pursue prosecutions against only eight individuals from the original 229.  As the government changed, so did the direction of the investigation. Former Deputy PM and Chair of the DSI Board of Special Cases Phumtham Wechayachai and former Justice Minister Tawee became sitting ducks targeted by a group of senators who were accused of vote-rigging in the 2024 Senate election.  The group of senators filed a petition with the Constitutional Court, alleging that Phumtham and Tawee interfered with the DSI investigation. However, the Court ruled that they were not guilty as alleged, and both had already left office after the BJT became the ruling party. The legal battle continues as the senators also filed a complaint with the National Anti-Corruption Commission, seeking an investigation into both former ministers and other members of the DSI Board of Special Cases for malfeasance.  Notably, the 26th subcommittee’s recommendation was overturned by the EC’s 36th subcommittee, which was formed to continue the case. This back-and-forth has stirred uproar over the EC’s handling of the case and its internal decision-making.  The EC is currently reviewing the case based on the information from both subcommittees, and it is expected that it will decide by the end of August whether to refer the case to the prosecution. It led to public concerns that the EC will decide not to pursue legal proceedings. The iLaw Director reiterated that the vote-rigging scandal was not merely a series of allegations, noting that his information came from the witnesses who had testified to the DSI. Some of these witnesses also spoke publicly about how the collusion occurred. The financial transactions related to the scheme were also exposed.  Opposition People’s Party MP Parit Wacharasindhu stated that there are three ways in which the EC may proceed with the case:  1. Endorse the findings of its 26th investigative subcommittee and refer all 229 individuals to the court.  2. Dismiss the case as recommended by the 36th subcommittee. 3. Refer only some of the accused to the court. The MP said the third scenario is likely, and urged the public to closely monitor the EC’s decision to prevent the masterminds from escaping accountability. The EC’s seven commissioners are now under intense public scrutiny as they hold the authority to decide whether the case should be referred to the court. Whether public sentiment will ultimately shape the outcome of this case remains to be seen. eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-07-31 - 13:19 * Feature * Bhumjaithai Party * Anutin Charnvirakul * Senate election 2024 * Senate collusion * Election Commission of Thailand (ECT) * Yingcheep Atchanont (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Two activists remain jailed after courts deny bail in multiple protest cases

Two activists remain jailed after courts deny bail in multiple protest cases Two pro-democracy activists, who are detained while facing multiple protest-related charges, have been denied bail in the cases related to two protests in 2020, despite having previously been granted bail in a separate case concerning a 2021 protest. At this point, both of them are required to wear an EM ankle bracelet while detained in prison. Prominent activists Jatupat Boonpattararaksa and Atthapol Buapat have been imprisoned since 8 September 2025 on royal defamation charges over protest speeches they made in front of the Phu Khiao Police Station and Phu Khiao School in Chaiyaphum on 1 February 2021, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights. On 11 March, the Supreme Court granted them provisional bail following multiple bail requests in this case. However, they remain in prison in connection with other royal defamation charges where they have yet to be granted bail. They were initially detained at the Phu Khiao Prison and later transferred to the Bangkok Remand Prison to face trial in other cases. On 16 July, the two activists were taken to the Phu Khiao Prison to be fitted with EM bracelets in accordance with the Phu Khiao Provincial Court order in the case in which they were granted bail in March. On 17 July, their lawyer filed fresh bail requests for other lawsuits after repeated denials by the courts.  Jatupat faces another royal defamation charge and is currently on trial. He was also charged with violating the Emergency Decree, for which he was sentenced to 24 days in prison, and with sedition. In the sedition case, the Court of First Instance sentenced him to two years and eight months in prison. Atthapol faces two additional royal defamation charges: one currently on trial and another for which he was sentenced to three years in prison. He also faces three other charges related to pro-democracy protests, including sedition. The Criminal Court denied bail to both activists in a case arising from a 19 September 2020 protest, and on the same day, the Bangkok South Criminal Court also denied bail to Atthapol in a separate case related to a 26 October 2020 protest.  Both of them will return to the Bangkok Remand Prison to remain in custody while wearing sEM bracelet as required by the Phu Khiao Provincial Court.  eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-07-24 - 11:21 * News * Jatupat Boonpattararaksa * Atthapol Buapat * Royal defamation * Section 112 * right to bail (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Civil society calls on Thailand not to deport detained Chinese journalist

Civil society calls on Thailand not to deport detained Chinese journalist 59 civil society organizations have signed a joint statement on 17 July calling on the Thai authorities to refrain from forcibly returning Chinese journalist Bai Zhaodong to China, where he would face a risk of political persecution, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, torture, and other serious human rights violations. They also call on the Thai authorities to facilitate Bai's safe transfer to a third country willing to provide him with international protection, and to refrain from cooperating with requests from China that would result. in the persecution of journalists, writers, scholars, activists or other individuals at risk of serious human rights violations. Now detained at the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Centre in Bangkok, Bai is an investigative journalist known for reporting on corruption and financial fraud involving local government officials and senior figures. in the Chinese Communist Party.   The full statement reads:We, the undersigned press freedom, journalists', human rights, and international organisations, urgently call on the Thai authorities to refrain from forcibly returning detained Chinese journalist Bai Zhaodong to China. This appeal follows confirmation from local sources that Bai, who is currently held at the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Centre in Bangkok, faces an imminent risk of deportation. In September 2024, Bai became the subject of an arrest warrant issued by the Public Security Bureau of Yulin City on fabricated charges of "extortion". Since then, Thai authorities have prevented him from relocating to a safe third country and barred him from leaving Thailand. He has been held in immigration detention since January 2026. If returned to China, Bai would face a grave, foreseeable, personal, and real risk of political persecution, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, torture, and other serious human rights violations. His forced return would therefore undeniably violate Thailand’s obligations under international and domestic torture prohibitions (non-refoulement). The UN Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders, Andrea Bolaños Vargas, has urged the Thai authorities to “immediately halt any deportation proceedings, facilitate his prompt relocation, and ensure his safety and access to adequate healthcare.” Bai Zhaodong has worked as an investigative journalist in China for more than 25 years, most recently for the respected Caijing magazine in Beijing. His reporting uncovered a large-scale corruption and financial fraud network involving money laundering and other illicit financial activities. The investigation implicated both local government officials and senior figures within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Because of the senior officials implicated and the sensitive nature of his reporting, Bai became the target of intensified surveillance, intimidation, and sustained harassment by both local and central Chinese authorities following the publication of his investigation. Throughout his career, Bai has faced repeated retaliation for his investigative reporting on corruption and financial fraud in Shaanxi Province. Chinese authorities have subjected him to six separate rounds of criminal charges, interrogations, and detention in connection with his journalistic work. The Chinese government routinely uses vague and politically motivated charges, including "espionage," "subversion," and "picking quarrels and provoking trouble," to prosecute journalists, writers, scholars and activists. China is currently the world's largest jailer of journalists, with 120 journalists imprisoned. It ranks 178th out of 180 countries and territories in Reporters Without Borders' 2026 World Press Freedom Index. We therefore urge the Thai government to: - Immediately halt any deportation or forcible return of Bai Zhaodong to China - Facilitate Bai Zhaodong's safe transfer to a third country willing to provide him with international protection. - Refrain from cooperating with requests from the Chinese authorities that would result in the persecution of journalists, writers, scholars, activists or other individuals at risk of serious human rights violations. Signatories:  1. Reporters Without Borders (RSF)  2. Safeguard Defenders (SD)  3. World Uyghur Congress  4. The Uyghur Center for Democracy and Human Rights  5. Legal Initiatives for Vietnam  6. Global Alliance for Tibet & Persecuted Minorities  7. Grupo de Apoio ao Tibete-Portugal  8. World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders 9. The Cambodian Center for Independent Media (CCIM)  10. International Tibet Network  11. Aus-Hong Kong Connex 港人匯坊  12. Hongkongers in Britain (HKB)  13. Asian Lawyers Network (ALN)  14. GreatFire  15. International Service for Human Rights (ISHR)  16. Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy (TCHRD)  17. Network of Chinese Human Rights Defenders  18. Human Rights Measurement Initiative (HRMI)  19. The Rights Practice 20. Reading UK Stands with HK  21. The Committee for Freedom in Hong Kong (CFHK) Foundation  22. Dandelion Solidarity  23. ARTICLE 19  24. International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), within the framework of the Observatory for the Protection of Human Rights Defenders  25. Center for Uyghur Studies  26. Dialogue China  27. European Values Center for Security Policy  28. PEN International  29. Lady Liberty Hong Kong (LLHK)  30. CIVICUS: World Alliance for Citizen Participation  31. Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) 32. Human Rights Foundation (HRF) 33. Tibet Action Institute  34. Human Rights First  35. PEN America  36. Fortify Rights  37. Hong Kong Watch  38. Bay Area Friends of Tibet  39. Coalition For Women In Journalism (CFWIJ)  40. Freedom House  41. American Society of Journalists and Authors  42. Uyghur Human Rights Project (UHRP)  43. Society of Professional Journalists  44. Viet Tan  45. US Hongkongers Club 美國香港人會館  46. Milk Tea Alliance Japan (MTAJ)  47. Swedish Tibet Committee  48. Amnesty International  49. Taiwan Economic Democracy Union  50. Index on Censorship  51. PEN Sweden  52. Doublethink Lab  53. Prachatai  54. The Swedish Media Publishers’ Association  55. Taiwan Association for Human Rights  56. Judicial Reform Foundation (JRF)  57. Human Rights in China (HRIC)  58. Human Rights Watch  59. Hong Kong Labour Rights Monitor (HKLRM)   eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-07-22 - 13:21 * Pick to Post * Bai Zhaodong * China * press freedom * Refugee * non-refoulement (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Thailand-Cambodia land border talks suspended, says Thai Foreign Minister

Thailand-Cambodia land border talks suspended, says Thai Foreign Minister Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow says that the door for Thailand-Cambodia land border talks has closed after Cambodia brought the maritime dispute to UNCLOS. Meanwhile, Cambodia argues that engaging the UNCLOS process should not be treated as grounds for suspending negotiations on the land border.  According to the Thai Foreign Minister, Thai and Cambodian leaders met and discussed the issue during the 7-9 May ASEAN Summit. At the time, he said the Thai side proposed that both countries should prioritise bilateral talks for all issues in order to build trust.  Instead, Cambodia decided to bring the maritime dispute to compulsory conciliation under UNCLOS. Thailand maintained that the issue should first be addressed through bilateral negotiations, with other dispute resolution mechanisms to be pursued only if bilateral talks fail to reach an agreement.  Sihasak noted that this showed that Cambodia was not ready for bilateral talks as discussed during the ASEAN Summit, and that it would also make talks regarding the land boundary more difficult. “At this point, the door has closed on opportunities to talk to each other on the land border,” said Sihasak.  The Thai Foreign Minister also gave an interview with the Thai news outlet The Standard earlier this month, asserting that the next Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) meeting on the land boundary will depend on progress in negotiations over the maritime border. The JBC was established under the 2000 Memorandum of Understanding, an agreement on the land boundary between Thailand and Cambodia. The Commission serves as the official bilateral mechanism for land boundary demarcation and technical surveys.  The last JBC meeting was held in October 2025. Since then, no further meeting has been convened despite repeated calls from Cambodia. Earlier this year, Thailand postponed a meeting due to the general election, citing that the new government would first need to be formed before JBC meetings could resume.  In response to the Thai Foreign Minister’s recent remarks, Cambodia’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation argued that Cambodia’s decision to enter UNCLOS concerns the maritime border alone, and it cannot be treated as grounds for suspending negotiations on the land border.  “It is worth recalling that it has been Thailand that has unilaterally withdrawn from this agreed framework for bilateral negotiations on maritime issue [sic],” said the statement. Cambodia called on Thailand to stop creating a pretext for its deliberate delays and return in good faith to the demarcation process that both countries have already agreed under the terms of the 2000 MoU. Sihasak’s remark also drew criticism from Thai academics. Surachart Bamrungsuk, a security expert and lecturer at Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Political Science, raised concerns that it could backfire on Thailand since negotiations under UNCLOS typically take much longer than expected. He also argued that linking the maritime dispute to the land boundary would further complicate efforts to complete the land boundary demarcation work. eng editor 3 Tue, 2026-07-21 - 20:11 * News * Sihasak Phuangketkeow * Thai-Cambodian maritime disputes * Thai-Cambodia relations * Thai-Cambodian Joint Boundary Committee (JBC) * Thai-Cambodian conflicts (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Conscientious objector found guilty of draft evasion

Conscientious objector found guilty of draft evasion Activist and conscientious objector Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal has been found guilty of draft evasion for protesting military conscription by refusing to participate in the draft in April 2024. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said today (20 July) that the Samut Prakan District Court found Netiwit guilty, noting that the Constitution Court has already ruled that the Military Service Act does not violate the Constitution. It also said that an exception is not made on the grounds of religious beliefs or conscience. He was given a 6-month prison sentence, suspended for 1 year because it was his first prison sentence. Netiwit was charged with draft evasion after he refused to take part in military conscription in April 2024 as an act of protest against compulsory military conscription in Thailand, which he said is a violation of human rights and personal moral beliefs. It is outdated, ineffective, undermines democracy, and enforces a system of oppression. He was indicted in May 2025. Netiwit is an education reform activist and has also worked with communities surrounding Chulalongkorn University facing eviction and rising rents. He is now a graduate student in the Harvard Divinity School’s Master of Theological Studies programme. He has long been vocal about his objection to compulsory military conscription, having published a declaration on his 18th birthday saying that he is a conscientious objector and will not participate in military conscription, which he said is obsolete, and asking why supporters of peace and nonviolent action cannot reject conscription. His trial is said to be the first trial of a conscientious objector in Thailand. eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-07-20 - 14:20 * News * Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal * military conscription * Conscientious objector (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Harvard Scholars urge court to allow Netiwit to continue studies as statement defends conscientious objection

Harvard Scholars urge court to allow Netiwit to continue studies as statement defends conscientious objection As Thai activist, publisher, and consicentious objector Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal faces a trial for refusing to participate in compulsory military conscription, five scholars affiliated with the Harvard Divinity School have written to the Samut Prakan District Court asking it to allow Netiwit to return to Harvard to complete his studies. The letter to the Samut Prakan Provincial Court, dated July 14, 2026, was signed by Chris Berlin, Instructor in Ministry Studies and Pastoral Counseling; Janet Gyatso, Hershey Professor of Buddhist Studies; Charles Hallisey, Yehan Numata Senior Lecturer on Buddhist Literatures; Teddy Hickman-Maynard, Lecturer on Ministry; and Monica Sanford, Lecturer in Ministry Studies. “We write to express support for Mr. Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal and to respectfully request that the Court consider allowing him to continue and complete his studies at Harvard Divinity School,” the letter states. Netiwit joined Harvard Divinity School during the 2025–26 academic year as a Buddhist Ministry Initiative International Fellow. The programme enables people deeply involved in Buddhist communities to undertake coursework focused on Buddhist ministry and encourages exchange between Buddhist students and practitioners in Asia and the United States. The scholars described Netiwit as an exemplary student who performed strongly in his coursework and contributed to the school’s intellectual community. “Throughout his fellowship, Mr. Chotiphatphaisal distinguished himself as an exemplary student, excelling in his coursework while enriching the intellectual life of our community through thoughtful engagement with faculty and students,” they wrote. They also noted that his scholarly interests, particularly in Thai Buddhism, had contributed meaningfully to discussions across the Harvard community. Following his fellowship year, Netiwit was admitted to Harvard Divinity School’s Master of Theological Studies programme for the 2026–27 academic year. The signatories said his admission reflected confidence in his potential to make lasting contributions to the academic study of Buddhism. They clarified that they were writing in their individual capacities, not officially on behalf of Harvard Divinity School, and that they were not taking a position on the legal questions before the court. Instead, they asked the court to consider the wider educational and public consequences of preventing Netiwit from returning to Harvard. “We believe that allowing him to continue his education will enhance his capacity to contribute to the study and practice of Thai Buddhism in ways that will serve his country and the broader international academic community,” the letter states. Meanwhile, a separate international statement organised by Dr. Anushka Kahandagamage, a Postdoctoral Fellow at Harvard Divinity School, has drawn 56 signatories from at least 13 countries in support of Netiwit and the right to refuse compulsory military service. Titled "Stand with Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal Against Forced Military Conscription," the statement was endorsed by 56 academics, students, researchers, educators, activists and professionals from countries including Thailand, Sri Lanka, the United States, Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Indonesia, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, the United Kingdom, Israel and the Netherlands. Its signatories are affiliated with institutions including Harvard University, Harvard Divinity School, Harvard Law School, Harvard Kennedy School, Thammasat University, the University of Wisconsin–Madison, King’s College London, Trinity College Dublin, the University of Melbourne, Tufts University, the University of Pennsylvania, Uppsala University and South Asian University. Among the signatories are James Robson, Professor at Harvard University; Jonathan Makransky, Coordinator of Multireligious Ministry Initiatives at Harvard; Tyrell Haberkorn, Professor at the University of Wisconsin–Madison; Amy Langenberg, Professor at Eckerd College; Prakirati Satasut of Thammasat University; Stephanie Tabashneck, Senior Fellow at Harvard Law School; and Sasanka Perera, retired professor of the University of Colombo and South Asian University. The statement argues that the central human-rights violation lies not in an individual’s refusal to serve, but in the state’s power to compel that person into military service against their conscience. “The human rights violation is the mandate of service itself, not the individual’s refusal to comply,” it states. The signatories describe compulsory military service as a form of structural violence and challenge the use of national security to justify the removal of individual rights. “If an institution is truly serving the people, it should not need to hunt them down to ensure their participation,” the statement says. It also refers to the principles developed by the United Nations Human Rights Committee concerning freedom of thought, conscience and religion. The signatories argue that Netiwit’s prosecution demonstrates the consequences of Thailand’s failure to recognise conscientious objection or provide a genuinely civilian alternative to military service. They describe his refusal as an act of civil disobedience undertaken in defence of human dignity. “His act of civil disobedience is not a breach of duty, but a courageous defence of the fundamental right to conscientious objection,” the statement says. It calls on Thailand to recognise the right to conscientious objection and argues that doing so could make the country a regional leader in human-rights reform. “By respecting the right to conscientious objection, Thailand has the unique opportunity to lead Southeast Asia in progressive human rights reforms,” it states. Netiwit has long publicly opposed compulsory military service in Thailand, having first declared his refusal to participate in military conscription as a conscientious objector in a statement on his 18th birthday. He has maintained that compulsory military service violates his Buddhist, ethical and political convictions. His trial is thought to be the first trial of a conscientious objector in Thailand. eng editor 1 Mon, 2026-07-20 - 11:22 * News * Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal * Conscientious objector * military conscription (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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34-year-old arrested in Chiang Mai for royal defamation

34-year-old arrested in Chiang Mai for royal defamation A 34-year-old Chiang Mai resident was arrested on 16 July on royal defamation and sedition charges resulting from a post in the Royalist Marketplace Facebook group. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) said that Wela (pseudonym) was arrested near her residence in Chiang Mai city on an arrest warrant issued by the Phatthalung Provincial Court, dated to 24 October 2024.  In the afternoon of 16 July, she was taken by van from Chiang Mai to Khao Chaison Police Station in Phattalung, where the charges against her were filed. TLHR noted that, according to her arrest record, around 47 officers took part in the operation. Wela arrived in Phattalung on 17 July. The inquiry officer then informed her that she has been accused of royal defamation, sedition, and violation of the Computer Crimes Act over a post in the Royalist Marketplace Facebook group containing a link to a video clip about King Vajiralongkorn’s study in Australia. Royalist Marketplace, known in Thai as Talad Luang (Royal Market or Public Market), was established by academic Pavin Chachavalpongpun in April 2020. Group members engage in daily satirical discussions of the monarchy. The complaint against Wela was filed by Songchai Niamhom, leader of the ultra-royalist King Protection Group. He accused her of defaming every Chakri Dynasty kings and of trying to incite unrest or rebellion against the monarchy. He ehas also filed charges against Pavin, who he claimed is the group administrator, and a commenter on the post.  Songchai is a known serial royal defamation complainant who has filed at least 19 royal defamation and sedition complaints against activists and social media users with the police in several southern provinces. Many of the accused do not live in the south and so are forced to shoulder the burden of travel costs when having to attend court appointments. Wela denied all charges. She was released on bail after placing a 200,000-baht security, covered by the Will of the People Fund, a bail fund for pro-democracy protesters. She also learned that a police summons was previously sent to her old address, but she moved before the summons arrived and never received it. The police then had an arrest warrant issued for her. eng editor 1 Sat, 2026-07-18 - 16:16 * News * Royal defamation * Section 112 * Sedition * Royalist Marketplace * Songchai Niamhom (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Unfinished business revisited: shining light on the shadows of 6 October

Unfinished business revisited: shining light on the shadows of 6 October Every October, the past finds its way back to Bangkok. It returns in flowers laid beneath memorials, in yellowed newspaper clippings pinned to university walls, in theatre rehearsals, and in conversations among the youth born decades after the violence. As Thailand approaches the 50th anniversary of one of its darkest political tragedies, remembrance itself is entering a new phase. In the absence of an official reckoning, students, artists, scholars and civil society groups have taken it upon themselves to preserve the memory of the brutal crackdown on student activists at Thammasat University on 6 October 1976. The 49th anniversary commemorations in October 2025 were, in many ways, an overture. Reclaiming hope The iron gate slides open. Students peer into the darkness, searching for something elusive. The scene was from a short promotional video released by Singhdam democracy group and the Political Science Student Union of Chulalongkorn university, to draw the public's attention to the commemoration "Daydreaming of Democracy in October”. Although the massacre took place at Thammasat University, students from Chulalongkorn University were also among the dead and injured. Their cases, like so many others, remain unresolved. Singhdam Democracy commemorated the tragedy in 2025 by recalling not the 6th of October but rather the 5th. They arranged “a funeral of the tyrant.” Flowers were laid. The atmosphere was neither solemn nor mournful, but warm and gentle.  For the organisers, this was a deliberate departure from past commemorations. Moving beyond grief, they chose to foreground hope. These young people, in their early twenty, wanted to break away from antiquated narratives of mourning. They focussed instead on the night before the massacre, a time when the student movement was still filled with hope and democratic imagination. “Instead of being moody and murderous, it shed new light on 6 October.” Margaret (pseudonym), one of the organisers, was told by exhibition visitors, who were delighted that Singhdam Democracy used the concept of hope as its main focus. That comforted Margaret, who admits feeling challenged when trying to get teenagers to identify with an incident long past. Attendance exceeded their expectations. This included members of the 6 October generation who appeared, laying flowers in tribute.  Postcards from “Daydreaming of Democracy in October” by Singhdam Democracy Nalinee, who came up with the idea of The Funeral of Tyrant, felt the scene embodied the wishes of those who gathered. She first encountered 6 October in a comic book at a very young age. The image of the university gate pulled her into a mysterious history. Later, she learned about the Gwangju Uprising in South Korea while traveling. Nalinee was impressed how the Korean state tried to deal with a historical wound by offering compensation to victims’ families. This made her wonder why the 6 October tragedy in her homeland has never been officially investigated. “People died without a clear reason … we don't really know what happened to them.” She feels that the victims and their families should have been compensated. Margaret agrees.  She notes that her parents knew almost nothing of the massacre, and believes that many others were also uninformed.  For her, education is vital so that people can learn to talk through problems and not attack each other. She was appalled by the Thai monk, Kittivutto, who said that killing communists is not a sin because communists are demons. She feels this view is still reflected in present-day society. “It's how we imagine enemies of the Thai people … on Facebook and during the Thai-Cambodia war.” Such considerations are why Rangsiman, another student on the organising team, joined the commemoration. In his opinion, the government should have offered an official explanation of what happened and made a commitment to prevent such violence from ever happening again. He admits that he didn’t know much about the incident at first, gradually gaining a deeper insight into the traumatic episode after joining the team. Violence, he reflects, begins - but never really ends - with its immediate victims.  He also feels the atmosphere nowadays is similar to the past, with the same political structures remaining in place, albeit in modified forms. “However, Rangsiman still sees some improvement. He believes that 6 October inspired people to reexamine their understanding of state authority, and he remains hopeful that collective efforts will continue to drive changes.” The weight of history  The 49th anniversary of 6 October 6 1976 commemoration at Thammasat University On the morning marking the 49th anniversary of the 6 October 1976  massacre, commemorations were held at Thammasat University. Colourful wreaths encircled the 6 October Memorial Sculpture. People of all ages passed by, pausing to examine photographs and newspaper clippings from past years.  Banners stretched across the corridors, resounding memories. Inside the university auditorium, speakers took turns taking to the stage in a forum on violence and memory.  That afternoon, the past was revisited in different forms.  The play “Ultramarine: Threat” unfolded on stage. White-clad figures, students, read newspaper excerpts and then collapsed, one after the other. Footsteps echoed across the stage like gunshots. The performance, carried out by Lanyim Theatre, was a testimony - pain returned as a spectre. Prapassorn, the Theatre’s choreographer, has a personal link to the event.  In her youth, her father often joined protests in Bangkok.  He passed down stories and even took Prapassorn to Phu Phan, in the northeast of Thailand. Now a national park, the mountain range was one of the areas where students took refuge after the massacre. “We even did role plays in the jungle,” Prapassoorn recalled. Her father wanted her to understand how people survived by hiding while helicopters hovering above them To twelve-year-old Prapassoorn, the stories sounded like fairy tales and she did not fully understand what had happened. It was not until she entered university in Chiang Mai that those fragments began to take shape as a complex picture. The process was like putting together a puzzle. The final piece fell into place when she saw  “A Nowhere Place” a play by Annata Theatre, staged in 2016 for the 40th anniversary of 6 October 1976.  It is described on Facebook as "The story of a lonely bride and a forgetful groom and the painful memories of a dark day.  Forty years later, they return carrying only their cherished memories, meeting once again—on a day that is, even now, still a dark one." It was a simple crew with two performers in a tiny room, but a wonderful experience for her. She realised what happened 40 years ago, what the jungle fairy tales were about. She found herself relating to it.  That experience later shaped Lanyim Theatre’s approach to commemorating 6 October. In earlier years, their performances centred upon blood and dead bodies.  Prapassorn recalls that audiences burst into tears.  “People couldn’t stop crying. Even after so many years, they were still suffering,” she said. She began to question whether it was necessary to repeat trauma in order to remember it. “Did we really want to do this again and again?,” she asked herself. “What were we hoping for by repeating the tragedy? It seemed unhealthy. ”  In 2025, on stage of Thammasat University, Lanyim Theatre shifted its focus to the idealism which originally drove students to the streets. In the opening scene of Ultramarine: Threat, a girl standing center stage, reads a letter with a clear voice. Prapassorn explained that it was about the powerful intentions of people trying to make changes - “the will to sacrifice one’s life to make things better.” Ultramarine: Threat by Lanyim Theatre ShiVa, the director, wanted Ultramarine: Threat to be a play about people across time - past, present and future. Sequences focussed on those who decide to join protests in 1976 also speak to the student movement in 2020, and ongoing struggles at present. Objects on stage—blue spray paint, red pigment, poetry, newspapers—allude to ShiVa’s earlier works in 2021. Newspapers are an example - “not strictly a newspaper …  one of the tools used to incite violence against students.” Having participated in the 2020 protests, Shiva knows from his own experience that memory and emotion differ from person to person, even among those who share the same moments. He believes that by talking about of violence and truth, people can still connect to each other because they “understand the same kind of pain”.  In the final scene of Ultramarine: Threat, archival black-and-white footage of soldiers overlap on the stage with images of the 2020 student movement. ShiVa hopes that it helped a hall full of people with past experiences of pain and violence move on together.  Prapassorn agrees that people must learn from history and collectively move on.  She believes that public awareness of the bad things that the government has done is important but stresses that the intention of Lanyim was to look at other ways of expressing the tragedy.  “Maybe we need to lead people in a different direction and search for the next step.” Aftermath: The Fractured History Kanokrat Lertchoosakul “States are adept at maintaining silence.” said Professor Kanokrat Lertchoosakul of Chulalongkorn University’s Faculty of Political Science. What people learned from history, she argues, is that justice rarely arrives until wrongdoers lose power. “You cannot expect the state to voluntarily give justice. I am sorry, but this is the truth.” Born weeks after the massacre, Kanokrat grew up in its aftermath. Her parents were active supporters of the student movement and joined protests from time to time.  On the early morning of 6 October, her pregnant mother drove toward Thammasat University and saw the flames. People started realising that something was unfolding. In Kanokrat’s childhood, her bedtime stories were news reports about the massacre. She has sharp memories of her father reading and explaining what happened.   “It was very, very tragic for a seven- or eight-year-old girl,” Kanokrat remembers. She recalls her father talking of the violence inflicted on students in broad daylight.  Over the decades, she saw October history fractured into multiple narratives. “Some emphasised state repression, while others foregrounded radical Marxist history and Cold War contexts.” Kanokrat feels that this made any basic historical consensus almost impossible. From time to time, groups attempted fact-finding missions.  Denied full access to state archives, and lacking the institutional capacity to conduct official investigations, these were stillborn. To Kanokrat, the process has also been hampered by ongoing battles over who is in charge of defining the history of the massacre, and how to tackle the history. Each year, different committees used the commemorations to communicate their own agendas. Red Shirt groups linked 6 October to the memory of the 2010 crackdown, emphasising shared victimhood under state violence. Meanwhile, commemorations of the 14 October 1973 uprising framed the event as a call for courage and political mobilisation. This pattern mirrors movements elsewhere in the world, Kanokrat explained, where people try to engage themselves, building up new narratives to situate their own struggles within similar past injustices.  Room for alternatives "The Thai state, Kanokrat argues, prefers to keep this history incomplete. She sees this ambiguity as a double-edged sword. While the lack of truth is problematic, it also leaves room for civil society to develop alternative narratives." She learned from her students about how 6 October was noted in high school textbooks as a continuation of 14 October 1973, without mentioning state violence or the suppression of communist students.  Kanokrat draws a comparison to how Germany approached the Holocaust.  She notes that it took the deaths of those in power during the Nazi regime for the German government to successfully incorporate the history of the period into national textbooks. However, she stresses that the prevailing narrative remains complex and subject to debate.  In Thailand, where old institutional heirs retain power, the official narrative has remained a blank space, fertile ground for the writings of Octoberists and the next generation. Kanokrat observes that young people, particularly those who went through the 2020 movement, have successfully mainstreamed 6 October as an instance of state violence, especially in online spaces.  “Their initial inspiration wasn’t 1976 but the 1932 revolution that pushed structural reform of Thai politics,” she noted. 6 October became relevant to them when they began to encounter state surveillance, intimidation, and mass arrests. The widespread recognition of iconic photographs from the massacre, she pointed out, marks a significant achievement. “The event may not be officially recognised,” Kanokrat says, “but in terms of cultural politics, [critics] have already won.” In her view, Thai civil society has come very far, with alternative histories successfully entered public discourse to pressure political institutions. At the 49th commemoration of 6 October, leaders from major political parties, including the Bhumjaithai Party, delivered wreaths as did the Pheu Thai Party, and the People’s Party, which became part of the commemoration. Kanokrat sees that as a clear sign that “they can no longer ignore you.” While pessimism remains, Kanokrat believes there are possibilities to transform activism, search for alternative strategies and overcome limitations.  The process of transitional justice takes time, Kanokrat argues. Instead of waiting passively, she believes it is crucial to continue the fact-fighting, “applying pressure, offering new narratives and mainstream them.”   The Long Relay  Rangsiman and Nalinee Young people often question the meaning of organised commemorations.  Their reflections sometimes evolve during the preparation process.  The 6 October generation is ageing.  This pushed Nalinee to involve herself with the inheritance and continuation of its history. “What we should do is try to collect their memories, make clear what happened, and bring this topic into the public sphere.”   She added, “If we give up, even for one day, people after us won’t carry it on. How can we ask for transitional justice if we let people forget about it?”  Margaret is thinking of presenting more perspectives such as the Cold War and literary aspects next time. Historical graphics surrounding 6 October are also one of the things she finds interesting. Rangsiman and Margaret agree that the first step to making the atmosphere free for discussion begins with students. He thinks education is essential. He hopes that by recognising the violence of the incident, structures can be changed and the environment can be made more conducive to speaking out.  As education is controlled by the government, reform must begin with people in the bureaucracy.   Rangsiman aims to work in the system in the future.  He also has new ideas for the commemoration. To him, the traditional form of displaying archives, papers, and pictures in a building is outdated. He believes that it can be made more engaging through online expression and short films designed to capture the attention of the younger generation and encourage them to look back at 6 October. Nalinee believes that she must be patient, that reinvestigation must continue until Thailand turns into a fully democratic country and transitional justice prevails.  To her, this requires help from many sectors including NGOs and the media.  She also does her part, recalling Professor Kanokrat's words that every effort becomes part of the archive.  “We have to work together.” eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-07-17 - 15:21 * Feature * Thammasat University massacre * 6 October * Kanokrat Lertchoosakul (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Poisoned Waters: Indigenous Communities Fight to Protect Thailand’s Kok River

Poisoned Waters: Indigenous Communities Fight to Protect Thailand’s Kok River Hundreds of villagers, Indigenous leaders, environmental defenders, monks, and civil society activists recently completed a six-day Peace Walk along northern Thailand’s Kok River to demand urgent action against worsening water contamination. Their message was clear: the river that has sustained communities for generations is becoming increasingly unsafe, and stronger action is needed to stop transboundary pollution before irreversible damage is done. The Kok River originates in Myanmar’s Shan State before flowing through Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai provinces and eventually joining the Mekong River. For communities living along its banks, the river provides drinking water, irrigation, fisheries, transportation, and cultural identity. Today, however, many residents fear that these lifelines are under threat from heavy metal contamination linked to mining operations upstream in Myanmar. The Peace Walk has become one of the largest recent demonstrations calling for accountability over pollution affecting the Kok, Sai, Ruak, and Mekong rivers. Participants urged the Thai government to strengthen cross-border cooperation, investigate the source of contamination, and protect communities whose livelihoods depend on healthy river ecosystems. A Growing Transboundary Pollution Crisis Concerns over the Kok River have intensified following reports of elevated concentrations of heavy metals, including arsenic, in rivers flowing from Myanmar into northern Thailand. Environmental groups and local communities have linked the contamination to expanding rare earth and mineral mining operations in Myanmar that are reportedly financed by Chinese investors. The issue extends beyond environmental degradation. Farmers rely on river water to irrigate crops, while fishing communities depend on healthy aquatic ecosystems for food and income. Public health authorities have also advised caution regarding the consumption of aquatic animals from contaminated rivers because of heavy metal exposure. Civil society organizations warn that contamination now affects not only the Kok River but also the Sai, Ruak, Salween, and Mekong rivers. According to the NGO Coordinating Committee on Development (NGO-COD), turbidity along sections of the Thai-Myanmar border has increased dramatically, while arsenic and lead contamination have exceeded recommended safety levels in several communities. Because these rivers cross national boundaries, downstream communities often bear the environmental consequences of activities occurring beyond Thailand's jurisdiction. Environmental advocates argue that stronger regional cooperation between Thailand, Myanmar, and China is necessary to investigate pollution sources, improve monitoring, and prevent further contamination (OHCHR, 2025). Communities Demand Accountability Public concern has grown alongside frustration over the perceived lack of effective action. On 6 July, members of the People's Network to Protect the Kok, Sai, Ruak, and Mekong Rivers marched toward the Chinese Consulate-General in Chiang Mai to deliver a petition urging China to regulate Chinese companies operating mines in Myanmar. Protesters argued that mining activities have contributed to heavy metal contamination affecting millions of people living downstream. Before the demonstrators reached the Consulate-General, however, they faced a police blockade.  A confrontation occurred when police tried to seize a protest banner carried by one of the demonstrators, leaving two protesters injured. One has a broken arm, and another has a dislocated shoulder. The protesters filed a police complaint alleging excessive use of force, while the police maintained that officers acted in accordance with legal procedure. One of the injured protesters, Wisarut Srichan, is also considering filing lawsuits against the police.  Two days later, civil society organizations gathered outside the Chinese Embassy in Bangkok to demand action regarding the water contamination and condemn the police response in Chiang Mai. They called for an independent investigation into the use of force against protesters and urged authorities to identify investment networks and business operations responsible for environmental harm and human rights violations. Environmental Defenders Under Pressure Protesters in Chiang Mai said they did not expect a confrontation, as the march was small and they had already informed the police beforehand. But physical violence is not the only threat faced by environmental activists in Thailand. Human rights organizations have documented increasing use of Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) against community leaders, journalists, researchers, and activists who speak out against environmental impacts of development projects. Such lawsuits often impose significant financial and psychological burdens even when the charges are eventually dismissed. One widely cited case involved environmental defender Sumeth Rainpongnam, who faced a 50-million-baht lawsuit while advocating for community environmental rights. Rights organizations argue that these cases discourage public participation and make it more difficult for affected communities to raise environmental concerns. Indigenous Communities Protecting Rivers For Indigenous communities in northern Thailand, protecting the Kok River is inseparable from protecting their lands, livelihoods, and cultural heritage. Karen and other Indigenous communities have long resisted projects they believe threaten forests and river systems. In Omkoi District, Karen villagers challenged a proposed coal mining project, arguing that environmental impact assessments failed to adequately consider Indigenous knowledge and local ecosystems. Communities have also opposed the Yuam–Salween Water Diversion Project, citing concerns over its potential impacts on forests, fisheries, and water resources while questioning whether affected communities were meaningfully consulted during the approval process. These campaigns reflect a broader understanding of environmental stewardship. For many Indigenous peoples, rivers are living ecosystems that sustain culture, food systems, and future generations rather than simply natural resources to be exploited. Participants in the Kok River Peace Walk emphasized that communities who have lived alongside these rivers for generations possess valuable ecological knowledge that should guide conservation efforts. They called for stronger recognition of Indigenous land rights, meaningful community participation in environmental decision-making, transparent environmental monitoring, and greater protection for environmental defenders. As northern Thailand continues to confront the impacts of transboundary pollution, many residents argue that protecting the Kok River requires more than emergency responses. It demands sustained regional cooperation, corporate accountability, and greater recognition of Indigenous communities whose stewardship has long helped safeguard the region's rivers. For those who completed the Peace Walk, protecting the Kok River is ultimately about more than preserving a waterway. It is about defending public health, cultural survival, and the rights of future generations to inherit rivers that remain safe, living, and free from contamination. eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-07-17 - 14:59 * Round Up * Kok River * transboundary pollution (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Appeal Court sentences Anon Nampa to prison for royal defamation over 2020 protest speech

Appeal Court sentences Anon Nampa to prison for royal defamation over 2020 protest speech The Court of Appeal Region 5 has sentenced a human rights lawyer to two years in prison for royal defamation over his protest speech delivered during a 2020 protest at Chiang Mai University.  The case stems from a speech delivered at Chiang Mai University on 23 November 2020. Anon and activist Parit Chiwarak, who has sought asylum overseas, were charged with royal defamation. In the speech, Anon addressed royal assets, King Vajiralongkorn's significant shareholding in Siam Commercial Bank and Siam Cement Group, and the transfer of state-owned land to His Majesty as private property, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights. He was charged on 18 February 2021. When indicted on 9 January 2023, he was already imprisoned in connection with earlier cases. The Chiang Mai Provincial Court granted him bail with 150,000 baht as security and the condition that he not commit any acts similar to the one he was charged with. Anon admitted delivering the speech, testifying that the matter of the expansion of royal power was widely discussed on social media by members of the younger generation during the 2020 mass protests. He explained that his speech reflected controversial issues that he and other members of his generation found questionable. By way of example, he cited former prime minister Gen Prayut Chan-o-cha’s admission of 10 January 2017 that the King ordered an amendment to the Constitution which had already been approved by a public referendum in 2016.    Arnon argued this amounted to a significant expansion of royal power which violated democratic principles, contradicting the principle that “the King can do no wrong.” He pointed out that the transfer of two military units to the royal guard also violated the Constitution and stated his objection to the revised Crown Property Act of 2017, which allows Crown assets to be treated as the King’s personal property. On 27 March 2025, the Chiang Mai Provincial Court sentenced him to three years in prison. Due to his guilty plea, the term was reduced to two years. On Thursday (16 July), the Court of Appeal Region 5 upheld the initial verdict.  The human rights lawyer has been detained in the Bangkok Remand Prison since 26 September 2023 due to cases related to political expression, mostly royal defamation cases. Anon faces a cumulative sentence of approximately 31 years and 9 months in prison for 11 royal defamation and other charges. eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-07-17 - 12:34 * News * Anon Nampa * Royal defamation * lese majeste * Section 112 * political prisoners (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Court rules on activist Netiporn’s death; questions over prison medical care unresolved

Court rules on activist Netiporn’s death; questions over prison medical care unresolved The Thanyaburi Provincial Court inquest into the death in custody of a pro-democracy activist has found that she died from a mineral imbalance compounded by an enlarged heart. The ruling did not resolve whether negligence by officials and medical staff contributed to her death.  Pro-democracy activist Netiporn Sanesangkhom died on 14 May 2024 while held in pre-trial detention on a royal defamation charge and after undergoing a long hunger strike to demand judicial reform. She was 28 years old. Her death led to questions about the treatment of detainees and demands for the release of political prisoners. According to Thai law, when a person dies in official custody, the court is required to conduct a post-mortem.  In this case, the inquest included four hearings since 20 August 2025. The Court heard testimony from eight witnesses, including experts, the medical staff who provided treatment, and her family. A key issue raised by the family was whether the Correctional Hospital had provided treatment and attempted resuscitation in line with medical standards. Her family argued that an endotracheal tube had been placed incorrectly in her oesophagus instead of her trachea or windpipe. As a result, oxygen was pumped into her stomach and intestines instead of her lungs. They also argued that Netiporn was given medicine which promotes potassium excretion, although the staff were aware that she was already suffering from critically low blood potassium levels. The Court delivered its ruling on Wednesday (15 July). According to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR), the Thanyaburi Provincial Court found that the evidence presented by Netiporn's family alleging that her death resulted from negligence by state officials remains disputed. The Court ruled that Netiporn died from mineral imbalance along with an enlarged heart.  Following the ruling, lawyer Krisadang Nutcharus, representing Netiporn’s family, told the media that the Court confirmed that Netiporn died in the custody of the Corrections Department, a fact that the agency could not deny. Krisadang stated that whether her death resulted from substandard treatment by state officials remains unresolved since the Court's jurisdiction in a post-mortem inquest is limited. The purpose of the inquest is to establish the circumstances of the death and provide the basis for any subsequent criminal proceedings. The lawyer explained that the case will be forwarded to the public prosecutor to determine whether a criminal lawsuit should be pursued. However, the law does not preclude the deceased's family from initiating criminal proceedings independently.  Netiporn’s family had already filed an earlier complaint with Khlong Luang Police Station.   Netiporn’s activism  In 2020, Netiporn joined the student rights group Bad Student to campaign against school dress and hairstyle codes before becoming a founding member of the monarchy reform activist group Thaluwang. The group conducted a number of polls regarding the monarchy, from road closures during royal motorcades to whether people want their tax money to be allocated to the monarchy.  She was prosecuted in a total of 7 cases over her political activities, two of them involving the royal defamation law. One was for conducting a poll on royal motorcades at Siam Paragon shopping mall on 8 February 2022, and another was for conducting a poll on whether people agree with the government allowing the King to use his powers as he pleases. 7 activists charged with royal defamation and sedition over the motorcade poll had the charges dismissed just over a week ago on 6 July by the South Bangkok Criminal Court. Netiporn did not live to see the charges dismissed. Netiporn was detained twice. The first time was after the South Bangkok Criminal Court revoked her bail. Netiporn and fellow monarchy reform activist Nutthanit Duangmusit went on hunger strike to protest their detention before being granted bail after 64 days of their hunger strike and 94 days of detention.  She was detained a second time after the South Bangkok Criminal Court revoked her bail again on 26 January 2024 for participating in a protest at the Ministry of Culture on 6 August 2023. On the same day, the Court sentenced her to one month in prison for contempt of court charge for an incident on 19 October 2023 when Netiporn and activist Thanalop Phalanchai attended the trial of Saharat Sukkhamla, a graduate from Mahidol University’s College of Religious Studies and ex-novice monk, who was found guilty of royal defamation.  The two activists reportedly climbed a fence near the cells in the basement of the South Bangkok Criminal Court in an attempt to ask if Saharat needed anything to eat while he was detained pending the result of his bail request. A court marshal and two security guards stopped them and threatened to charge them with contempt of court. An argument occurred after Netiporn and Thanalop asked the court marshal for his name and whether he had the authority to charge them. The marshal then hit Netiporn with a baton, injuring her. Immediately on being detained, Netiporn went on a hunger strike to demand judicial reform and an end to the detention of political dissidents. Death in detention  On the morning of 14 May 2024, it was reported that Netiporn was pronounced dead at Thammasat University Hospital, where she had been transferred from the Corrections Hospital after suffering a cardiac arrest. It remained unclear whether Netiporn died while at the Corrections Hospital or at Thammasat University Hospital. Records obtained from Thammasat University Hospital stated that Netiporn had no vital signs upon arrival at 9.30 on 14 May, and that doctors found that an endotracheal tube had been placed in her oesophagus instead of her windpipe. The placement of the tube is believed to be a major cause of her death, although there could be other reasons.  Meanwhile, Netiporn’s medical records obtained from the Corrections Hospital diagnosed her with Refeeding Syndrome, a condition caused by a severe shift in electrolytes when a person who is malnourished begins feeding again. It was not easy for the family to get the Corrections Hospital to release the records. Lawyer Krisadang said that Netiporn’s legal team was initially granted the power of attorney by Netiporn’s older sister to request her medical records and CCTV footage from her hospital ward, but was told that the Department of Corrections’ regulations stipulate that only a parent can obtain the records. Two days later, lawyers and activists who went to the Corrections Hospital were forced to wait in front of the gates for several hours as officials insisted on seeing Netiporn’s family members before eventually handing over the records to her lawyers. eng editor 3 Thu, 2026-07-16 - 13:23 * News * Netiporn Sanesangkhom * death in detention * Death in custody * political prisoners * hunger strike (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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RSF, Safeguard Defenders urge Thailand to halt forcible return of Chinese journalist to China

RSF, Safeguard Defenders urge Thailand to halt forcible return of Chinese journalist to China Reporters Without Borders (RSF) and Safeguard Defenders call on Thai authorities to refrain from deporting detained prominent Chinese journalist Bai Zhaodong to China. Due to his reporting on corruption at the highest levels of the Chinese Government, a potential return to the country would place him at grave foreseeable, present, personal and real risks, including but not limited to enforced disappearance, arbitrary detention, torture and other cruel or inhuman treatment. Thai authorities have an obligation to uphold international law and must ensure Bai’s rights are fully protected. RSF and Safeguard Defenders received confirmation from local sources that Chinese journalist Bai Zhaodong, detained at the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Center in Bangkok, faces the risk of deportation to China following pressure from the People's Republic of China.   The news comes just ahead of Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s scheduled visit to China from July 16 to 20, 2026.  Bai managed to flee China on 29 November  2023. In September 2024, he was subjected to an arrest warrant issued by the Public Security Bureau of Yulin City on trumped up allegations of “extortion”. Thai authorities have since prevented Bai’s relocation to a safe third country and prohibited him from leaving the country. He has been held in Thai detention since January 2026. If deported, the journalist is at grave foreseeable, present, personal and real risk of political persecution, arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance, torture and other serious human rights violations.  Bai Zhaodong has worked as an investigative journalist in China for over 25 years, most recently with the renowned Beijing Caijing Magazine.  His work exposed a large-scale corruption and financial fraud network involving money laundering and other illicit financial activities. The investigation implicated both local government officials and higher-ranking officials within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). “We call on the Thai authorities to permit the journalist Bai Zhaodong to relocate to a country of his choosing and to refrain from complying with any requests from the Chinese government. Thai government must uphold its obligations under international law and demonstrate its clear commitment to established human rights standards, or risk serious damage to its global reputation. In recent years, the Chinese regime have gained notoriety for the systematic persecution of journalists and remain the world’s leading jailer of reporters, with 120 individuals currently detained. Should Bai be forcibly returned to China, he would face not only persecution but also grave risks to his personal safety," said Aleksandra Bielakowska, RSF Asia-Pacific Advocacy Manager. Due to the nature of its findings and the senior individuals implicated, his work was regarded by the authorities as highly sensitive. Following its publication, Bai was subjected to intensified surveillance, intimidation, and sustained pressure from both regional and central government authorities, as RSF information. Throughout his career, Bai Zhaodong has been subjected to retaliatory persecution by Chinese authorities for his investigative reporting on corruption and financial fraud in Shaanxi Province, including six instances of criminal charges, interrogations and detentions.  As RSF’s latest report on the use of national security laws against journalists shows, the Chinese government often uses vague charges such as “espionage,” “subversion,” or “picking quarrels and provoking trouble”to charge journalists. 120 journalists are currently imprisoned in China - the biggest prison for journalists in the world as RSF data shows. They are routinely placed in Residential Surveillance at a Designated Location (RSDL) - a pre-judicial system of solitary confinement for up to six months in secret detention centres that has repeatedly been defined as a system of enforced disappearances, arbitrary detention and torture in and of itself by UN Human Rights Procedures. “Thai authorities must withstand the growing pressure from the PRC to forcibly detain and return individuals sought for clear political persecution by the Chinese Communist Party and uphold its commitments under international and domestic torture prohibitions. Multiple independent international human rights assessments and courts in democratic nations have consistently reported the “general situation of violence” in China’s judicial and detention system, as well as its incessant use of enforced disappearances, torture and forced confessions to maintain its condemnation rate of 99.9%. Following the forceful return of 40 Uyghurs to China last year, the international community must be clear that at stake is not only Bai and others’ wellbeing, but Thailand’s international image itself," said Laura Harth, Safeguard Defenders' China in the World Director. eng editor 1 Thu, 2026-07-16 - 10:36 * Pick to Post * Reporters Without Borders (RSF) * Safeguard Defenders * Bai Zhaodong * Refugee * China * press freedom * Violence against journalists (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Hong Kong refugee detained by Thai authorities, fate unknown

Hong Kong refugee detained by Thai authorities, fate unknown Lawyers representing Zhang Xinyan, a Hong Kong pro-democracy activist and UN-recognised refugee, has not been able to reach her since she was detained by the Thai authorities on 8 July. Zhang was about to board a flight at Suvarnabhumi Airport to Canada, where she was to resettle, when she was stopped by Thai officials, told that she must cancel her travel plans, and took her back to the Suan Phlu Immigration Centre. Concerns have been raised that she would be in danger if she is deported back to China. 54-year-old Zhang is a Chinese national who moved to Thailand following years of alleged prosecution based on her Falun Gong practice, a spiritual movement banned in China. She is also a member of the “Hong Kong Parliament,” a group formed by exiled activists. In July 2025, the Hong Kong police issued an arrest warrant for Zhang and 14 other members of the group for alleged subversion under Hong Kong’s draconian National Security Law. The group was accused of organizing unofficial polls outside Hong Kong in order to form a shadow legislature to advance the principle of “Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong.”  Their bounties ranged from HKD 200,000 to 1 million (approx. USD 25,000-127,000). Zhang was previously detained on 9 May for allegedly overstaying her visa. Sunai Phasuk, Human Rights Watch's Senior Thailand Advisor, said in a 10 July interview that attempts were made to negotiate for her release and resettlement. Canada eventually approved her resettlement, after which arrangements were made for her travel. However, she was stopped from boarding her 9 July flight to Vancouver as planned.  Krittaporn Semsantad, program director at the Peace Rights Foundation, said today (15 July) that lawyers have not been able to contact Zhang since 9 July and are now concerned that she may have been deported. The lawyers were informed on 9 July that Zhang did not board her flight and that she was taken back to the detention centre along with other Chinese nationals, who Krittaporn alleged are going to be deported. Krittaporn said that the legal team has filed a petition with the South Bangkok Criminal Court  under the Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act for a hearing. They requested that the Court summon all relevant agencies, including the Immigration Bureau, to testify to the Court on why Zhang was prevented from boarding her flight to resettlement and why her lawyers have not been informed of her whereabouts. If Zhang is still in Thailand, they requested that she be presented to the Court. Krittaporn questioned why the Immigration Bureau detained Zhang when she was to resettle in a third country. She alleged that Chinese nationals detained at the immigration centre, many of whom were involved with illegal businesses and scam centres, were going to be deported to China between 13 – 15 July, and said she is concerned that detained dissidents will be deported with them. She noted that the lawyers file a letter asking to visit Zhang between 13 – 15 July, but their request was denied.  “We see this as an intentional attempt to conceal [Zhang’s] fate, so that we cannot know if our client will be deported,” Krittaporn said. The South Bangkok Criminal Court has scheduled a hearing tomorrow morning at 10.00. Krittaporn said that this is the first time a court has accepted a petition filed under the Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearance Act. If Zhang is still held at the detention centre, Krittaporn said that the lawyers will summon evidence to show whether she was en route to resettlement and, if so, why she was prevented from travelling. The Thai Immigration Bureau would not be allowed to detain her if she has already been approved for resettlement, Krittaporn said. Krittaporn said there is a high chance that Zhang would be deported. She noted that it was abnormal for her lawyers to not be allowed to visit her because visits are usually allowed unless it was a public holiday or another important occasion. The team has become more concerned as they learned the Immigration Bureau planned to hand over detainees with alleged involvement in scam centres and money laundering to China without going through human trafficking screening mechanisms, and that a chartered flight would be sent to take them. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul will be visiting China on 16 July. Krittaporn said that one refugee was deported to China in June 2025, and that she will be filing a petition with the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) regarding the refugee’s deportation. She questioned whether the Thai authorities is cooperating with the Chinese authorities, why China appears to know about the movement of refugees in Thailand, and why Thailand is complying with China’s demands. eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-07-15 - 23:32 * News * Zhang Xinyan * Refugee * China * non-refoulement * Krittaporn Semsantad (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Programmer convicted of royal defamation withdraws appeal

Programmer convicted of royal defamation withdraws appeal Atirut (last name withheld), a 29-year-old programmer convicted at royal defamation for shouting at a royal motorcade, will serve his 1 year and 8 months prison sentence after withdrawing his appeal with the Supreme Court. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) reported that Atirut and his lawyer went to the South Bangkok Criminal Court to withdraw his bail. He will be serving his sentence at the Bangkok Remand Prison. Atirut said that he decided not to file for appeal with the Supreme Court because he does not want to spend more time going through a lengthy trial. Technology is advancing very quickly, and he said that he might not be able to catch up if he continues with the process. He also does not think the charge against him would be dismissed by the Supreme Court. He decided to serve his sentence so that he can start over as soon as possible. He said, however, that he stand by his opinion that no one should be imprisoned or exiled for speaking out. Atirut was charged with royal defamation and resisting arrest for refusing to sit down and shouting “you are a burden wherever you go” as King Vajiralongkorn and Queen Suthida’s royal motorcade passed a crowd gathered at the Queen Sirikit National Convention Centre (QSNCC) on 15 October 2022. Plainclothes officers subsequently carried him inside the QSNCC, where he was detained in a room for an hour before being taken to Lumpini Police Station. The police also obtained a warrant to search his family home but found nothing incriminating. Because he struggled to get away from the officers, he was told by the police he had to be taken to the Police Hospital for physical examination. However, they first took him to the Somdet Chaopraya Institute of Psychiatry, where he said staff tied him to a chair and demanded that a friend or family member come in to refuse treatment on his behalf before he could be released. On 12 December 2023, the South Bangkok Criminal Court found him guilty of royal defamation and resisting arrest. He was sentenced to 3 years and 2 months in prison, a sentence that was reduced to 1 year and 8 months because he pleaded guilty.  On 16 March 2026, the Appeal Court ruled to uphold the verdict on the grounds that calling the King and Queen a burden leads to hate, loss of faith, and conflict. It noted that Atirut confessed and has already been given the lowest penalty possible, and that he has a Bachelor’s degree and therefore should know right from wrong. The Court also dismissed his appeal that he did not know the men arresting him were police officers or that they did not identify themselves on the grounds that the plainclothes officers were wearing their ID badges. eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-07-15 - 21:47 * News * Atirut * Royal defamation * Section 112 * royal motorcade (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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HRW: Thailand must not forcibly return Chinese dissidents

HRW: Thailand must not forcibly return Chinese dissidents The Thai government should not forcibly return detained Chinese dissidents to China, Human Rights Watch said on 13 July. At least four Chinese dissidents detained at the Suan Phlu Immigration Detention Center in Bangkok face possible deportation to China. The Chinese government has increasingly pressured Thai authorities ahead of Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul’s scheduled visit to China from July 16 to 20, 2026.  “Successive Thai governments have found it easy to cast aside Thailand’s international obligations to please Beijing,” said Sunai Phasuk, senior Thailand adviser at Human Rights Watch. “Thailand is damaging its reputation by complying with Chinese government requests to unlawfully deport Chinese dissidents instead of allowing them to travel to safe third countries.” Human Rights Watch has learned that three known Chinese dissidents and a critical journalist are at risk of deportation: * Bai Zhaodong (白兆东), 56, a prominent former investigative journalist at Caixin, China’s leading media outlet, known for his reporting on high-level corruption in rural areas and on the impact of President Xi Jinping’s signature poverty alleviation initiative on vulnerable populations.  * Tan Yixiang (谭翼翔), 49, a Catholic and vocal advocate for Tibetan and Uyghur rights. He entered Thailand in 2022 and was arrested by Thai police later that year. He was released on bail in mid-2023, but in February 2024 police rearrested Tan and placed him in immigration detention. * Zhang Xinyan (张信燕), 56, a practitioner of Falun Gong, a persecuted religious group, and an activist from China who fled to Thailand in 2014. In July 2025, Hong Kong police issued arrest warrants and a HK$200,000 (US$25,000) bounty against Zhang and 14 other activists from the “Hong Kong Parliament” diaspora group, alleging that they had committed “subversion” under the draconian Hong Kong National Security Law. In May 2026, Thai police arrested Zhang for allegedly overstaying her visa. On July 8, Thai authorities reportedly blocked Zhang from flying to Canada for resettlement. * Zhou Junyi (周俊义), 54, a member of the banned China Democracy Party. He escaped to Thailand in 2015, but the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) reportedly rejected his refugee application. He has been living in Thailand ever since. In June 2025, Bangkok police arrested Zhou over visa violations shortly after he organized a memorial event for the 1989 Tiananmen Massacre. Although denied refugee status 10 years ago, Zhou has a credible basis for a sur place refugee claim – obtaining refugee status because of events after leaving one’s home country – because of the prominence of his activities as a critic of Beijing while in exile.  UNHCR has recognized Bai, Tan, and Zhang as refugees. In recent years, successive Thai governments have forcibly returned dissidents and other wanted individuals to China, where they faced persecution, torture, and other ill-treatment. In February 2025, Thai authorities sent 40 Uyghur men to China, where their circumstances remain unknown. In July 2015, Thai authorities forcibly transferred more than 100 Uyghur men to the custody of Chinese authorities, who flew them from Bangkok to China. A Chinese human rights activist, Jian Xing (邢鉴), was arrested in Bangkok in 2019 for overstaying his visa and threatened with forced return to China. But he was allowed to leave and resettle in New Zealand in 2020.  In 2015, Thai authorities forcibly returned the rights activists Dong Guangping (董广平) and Jiang Yefei (姜野飞) to China, despite UNHCR having recognized them as refugees and arranged their resettlement to Canada. They were later imprisoned in China for “inciting subversion” and “illegally crossing national borders.” Dong fled China again in 2026 by driving an inflatable boat to South Korea and has since been resettled in Canada. Hu Junxiong (胡俊雄), a Chinese dissident who lived as a refugee in western Thailand for 10 years before resettling in Canada in 2025, told Radio Free Asia in 2023 that the situation of Chinese political refugees in Thailand had worsened due to pressure from Beijing. He said that he had faced “repeated harassment” from Thai immigration police, despite his good relationship with the local community and local police. Thailand is not a party to the 1951 Refugee Convention and has no refugee law or effective national mechanisms to assess asylum claims. The Thai government is obligated to respect the international law principle of nonrefoulement, which prohibits countries from returning anyone to a place where they would face a real risk of persecution, torture or other serious ill-treatment, a threat to life, or other comparable serious human rights violations. Refoulement is prohibited by the UN Convention Against Torture, to which Thailand is a party, as well as customary international law. The prohibition on refoulement is also incorporated in Thailand’s 2023 Act on Prevention and Suppression of Torture and Enforced Disappearances. Other countries will review Thailand’s human rights record at the UN Human Rights Council—of which Thailand is currently a member—during its Universal Periodic Review in November. During its last review, Thailand supported three recommendations, including one to implement legal measures to protect refugees and asylum seekers.  “Concerned governments should press the Thai authorities to protect the rights of people seeking safety in Thailand, rather than sending dissidents back to China and into harm’s way,” Phasuk said. “Thailand should demonstrate that it has earned its membership on the UN Human Rights Council.” eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-07-15 - 14:35 * Pick to Post * Refugee * China * Human Rights Watch * Zhang Xinyan (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Re-engagement with Myanmar's military government risks normalizing a dictatorship, warns APHR

Re-engagement with Myanmar's military government risks normalizing a dictatorship, warns APHR ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) warns that ASEAN’s shift toward “calibrated re-engagement” with Myanmar’s military-appointed government risks normalizing a dictatorship without securing any tangible results for the Myanmar people. “ASEAN cannot call this progress. What we are witnessing is the normalization of a dictatorship, dressed up as diplomatic language. Five years of impunity have not been met with accountability, instead, they have been given a seat at the table.” said Mercy Chriesty Barends, Member of the House of Representatives of Indonesia, and Chairperson of APHR. The Thai chair’s statement invoked “confidence-building” and “conditions for calibrated re-engagement,” language that sits uneasily alongside ASEAN’s continued insistence that the Five-Point Consensus (5PC) “remains valid”. This claim rings hollow just days after Myanmar’s Pyidaungsu Hluttaw passed a motion calling on the regime to review the 5PC outright—a direct rebuke of the framework ASEAN still calls its “primary reference” for resolving the crisis. APHR notes that Singapore and Malaysia’s public reaffirmations of the 5PC underscore a bloc more divided than united on Myanmar policy. For Myanmar’s people, enduring intensified military offensives and a widening urban-rural divide in safety, this meeting changes little on the ground. APHR urges ASEAN to ensure its diplomatic recalibration does not come at the cost of the accountability and justice Myanmar’s people have been demanding since the coup. APHR reiterates that any re-engagement with Naypyidaw must be measured against the key commitments under the 5PC—an immediate end to violence, constructive dialogue among all parties including pro-democracy groups, and unimpeded provision of humanitarian assistance. eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-07-15 - 13:53 * Pick to Post * Myanmar * ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights (APHR) * ASEAN (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Chiang Mai activist to sue police over clash during Chinese Consulate protest, lawyer says

Chiang Mai activist to sue police over clash during Chinese Consulate protest, lawyer says A lawyer representing activist Wisarut Srichan said that Wisarut and his legal team plan to file a lawsuit against the police for their violence against protesters who went to the Chinese Consulate-General in Chiang Mai on 6 July to demand action on contamination in several rivers in the north of Thailand due to Chinese mines in Myanmar. Wisarut is one of two protesters injured during the clash. He has had surgery to repair his broken arm and is required to stay in hospital for a week for observation. It will take at least 2 months for him to recover. His legal team is preparing a lawsuit against the police for the clash. His lawyer said that they are considering a civil lawsuit for damages from the police, as well as a criminal lawsuit against the officers for malfeasance.  The lawyer also said that the protesters may be able to file a class action lawsuit with the Administrative Court for abuse of power after the police blocked them from marching to the Consulate. Unlike the civil and criminal lawsuits, where the plaintiff has to be the two protesters injured in the clash, every protester can join the administrative lawsuit. The lawyer said they are deciding how to proceed. Wisarut said that the protesters originally planned to march to the Consulate to file a petition calling for the Chinese government to control Chinese companies involved in mining activities in Myanmar which are the cause of contamination in the Kok River. Afterwards, they intended to march back to the starting point at Suan Buak Hat Park. They did not expect violence as only 20-30 people joined the march, and they had already notified the police of the protest as required by the Public Assembly Act.  Wisarut insisted that the protesters were following regulations. He noted that, with 100-200 officers at the scene, the police could have easily surrounded them. The plan, he said, was to try to negotiate with the police could the possibility of going to the Consulate, but they were willing to stay where the police told them if that was not possible. He did not expect the police to use force. Wisarut was part of the negotiation team and was marching ahead of the rest of the protesters. He said that he was stopped by an officer, who he assumed to be a superintendent, in front of the SiamTV electronics store. The officer told them to stop, and he responded by asking to move a little further forward for them to talk. He said that the officers then charged another activist who was walking behind him and tried to seize a protest banner the activist was carrying. The police were pulling on the banner, while the activist refused to let them take it. Wisarut tried to tell the officers to back off, but officers lined up behind him so he blocked them because he was worried the other activist would be arrested. Other protesters in the area shouted at the police to stop, but they continue to push at the protesters and pull the banner. Two other protesters fell after being pushed, and Wisarut said the officers pushed him so hard that he fell and landed with his arm behind his back. Wisarut noted that he was pushed from behind when he was not expecting it. He said that according to international standards, a properly trained officer would have other ways of warning protesters. They could have stood back-to-back with them or linked arms to block them. The Chiang Mai police did not take these options, even though there was only a small group of unarmed protesters. He noted that this is not the first time the police have used force against protesters in Chiang Mai. In 2022,  Indigenous rights activists in Chiang Mai marching to submit a petition to an APEC leaders meeting at the Le Meridien Hotel were met with a police blockade. Wisarut recalled that the police pushed protesters to the ground and that 10 people were injured during the clash. However, he estimated that around 700 people joined the protest in 2022. Wisarut questions if there is a limit to the police’s power. Every time citizens notify them of protest, he said, the police act as an adversary instead of facilitating the assembly. This time, they protected the Chinese Consulate even though it was closed at the time of the protest. Wisarut wanted to press charges so the police can be held accountable. He also hoped that a lawsuit would lead to a revision of the police’s jurisdiction under the Public Assembly Act. eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-07-10 - 23:45 * News * Wisarut Srichan * Police violence * Kok River * water contamination * freedom of assembly (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Amnesty bill approved by both houses of Parliament

Amnesty bill approved by both houses of Parliament The House of Representatives and the Senate have approved an amnesty bill aimed at exonerating those who committed political offences during the past 20 years. The bill excludes royal defamation cases, including those involving minors. The House of Representatives held a final deliberation on the amnesty bill, known as the Promotion of a Peaceful Society Bill, on Wednesday (8 July). The bill was approved by 306 to 141 votes, with 2 abstentions.  The bill covers a wide range of political offences between 1 January 2005 and 16 September 2025. This period witnessed political protests by several key groups, from the People's Alliance for Democracy or Yellow Shirts, the United Front for Democracy Against Dictatorship or Red Shirts, the People's Democratic Reform Committee and the anti-junta movement in 2014 to the youth-led mass protests in 2020. Approximately 6,000 people are expected to benefit from the Promotion of a Peaceful Society Bill.   According to Section 3, the bill does not cover three categories of offences: corruption, offences against life and limb, and royal defamation. The exclusion of royal defamation cases while granting amnesty for cases overthrowing the government and terrorism has drawn criticism from civil society.  In October 2025, the bill passed the House of Representatives in the second and third readings. At the time, an amendment which would open a door to amnesty for those charged as minors was proposed but rejected. The bill was forwarded to the Senate for further deliberation last week (30 June).  Senators voted 126 to 15 in favour of the original version of Section 3, rejecting the proposed amnesty for minors facing royal defamation suits.  Senators also voted 102 to 16 in favour of adding an exemption to Section 11 of the bill.  Section 11 states that those under 18 who committed offences which are not eligible for an amnesty would be offered rehabilitation before the case is forwarded to the public prosecutor. The prosecutor may then exercise discretion to offer special proceedings instead of criminal prosecution, and may request the court to order the termination of the case if it is already under trial. A majority of senators voted to add a rider that Section 11 will not apply to royal defamation cases.  The Promotion of a Peaceful Society Bill was eventually passed by the Senate by a vote of 102 to 3, with 22 abstentions. The bill was returned to the House of Representatives for final deliberation on 8 July. Pheu Thai Party MP Chaturon Chaisang supported granting amnesty for those under 18 who faced royal defamation charges. He noted that other cases that are more serious than royal defamation are eligible for an amnesty, and that royal defamation cases should also be exonerated.  He added that royal defamation cases had been eligible for an amnesty after the 6 October 1976 Thammasat Massacre. The MP also advocated a change to the Senate’s proposed Section 11, stating that the notion behind rehabilitation for minors, who faced royal defamation charges, is not about amnesty but rather a measure in line with the juvenile law.  People’s Party MP Sasinan Thamnitinan raised a question about the purpose of this bill, saying that shutting the door on those facing royal defamation charges will not resolve the conflict as the bill was meant to do. Instead, it signalled that the government does not want reconciliation in society. The Promotion of a Peaceful Society Bill finally passed in both houses of parliament. The Prime Minister will now submit it to the King for royal assent. Thai Lawyers for Human Rights (TLHR) observed that there have been attempts to downplay royal defamation cases. During the parliamentary sessions discussing the bill, many argued that such cases represent only a small proportion of cases involving political expression.  According to TLHR, at least 392 people have been charged in 408 royal defamation cases between the 2014 coup and 16 September 2025 (the last day designated for amnesty), while the bill covers 20 years since 2005. TLHR believes the actual number is likely to be higher. According to statistics compiled by state agencies, a total of 1,493 cases involving royal defamation were brought before the courts between 2005 and February 2024. However, the exact number of individuals involved is not specified, and these figures cover only cases that had already reached the courts. Meanwhile, data from the Office of the Attorney General shows 3,792 cases involving offences against the monarchy (Sections 107-112 of the Criminal Code) were presented to public prosecutors between 2010 and 2023. However, these figures do not include cases heard by military courts after the 2014 coup, when the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO) ordered that royal defamation cases be tried before military courts. As of 8 July, there are at least 54 political detainees, but only around 10 are expected to benefit from the bill. Meanwhile, many cases remain under legal proceedings. In addition, 5 detainees face Section 110 charges (violence against the Queen), and it remains unclear whether such cases will be eligible for an amnesty.   eng editor 3 Fri, 2026-07-10 - 22:00 * News * Amnesty Bill * Promotion of a Peaceful Society Bill * Royal defamation * Section 112 * lese majeste (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Civil society demands action over river contamination, police violence

Civil society demands action over river contamination, police violence A protest took place in front of the Chinese Embassy in Bangkok on 8 July to demand that China tackle contamination in the Mekong River and its tributaries due to Chinese mines upstream in Myanmar. They also condemned the police violence against participants in the protest in front of the Chinese Consulate-General in Chiang Mai on Monday (6 July). Activist Lertsak Kamkongsak said that Thailand and its neighbours have been affected by river contamination caused by rare earth mining in Myanmar, allegedly funded by Chinese investors. Communities along Kok, Sai, Ruak, Mekong and other rivers use the water for agriculture. They also consume fish from the rivers. He said that the police in Chiang Mai used excessive force against the protesters who went to the Chinese Consulate to make similar demands regarding the mines in Myanmar and water contamination. He believes the police were ordered to use force, and that the measures they took exceeded the limits of what is legitimate under Thailand’s public assembly law. He also speculated that China has been expanding its influence in Thailand through companies registered in Thailand by nominees, which makes the connection to the Chinese government difficult to trace. Ammarin Saichan, Assistant Manager of the EnLAW Foundation, said that the protesters in Chiang Mai followed the law and were exercising their constitutional rights. They notified the authorities of the protest ahead of time. Contrary to a claim made by the police, Ammarin said, protests are allowed in front of the Consulate as long as they do not block the entrance or disrupt operations. The protest in Chiang Mai had around 30 participants, and so it would not be possible to block off the Consulate completely. Without the forcible disruption of the protest, the police and protesters would have been able to come to a compromise and there would have been no injuries. In a statement, the NGO Coordinating Committee on Development (NGO-COD) said that water turbidity at the Thai-Myanmar border has risen to nearly 10 times the normal level. Meanwhile, arsenic in the Kok River has been detected at 2.6 times the safety standard and 5-6 times in the Sai, Ruak, and Salween rivers. Unsafe lead contamination has also been detected in multiple communities along the Kok, Sai, and Ruak rivers. The network called on the Thai government to conduct an independent investigation into police violence against the Chiang Mai protesters, to ensure that those responsible are held accountable, and to fairly compensate the injured. It should also investigate and hold accountable investment networks, nominee companies, and business operations that cause environmental harm and human rights violations. eng editor 1 Fri, 2026-07-10 - 10:24 * News * Kok River * transboundary pollution * water contamination * Chinese embassy in Bangkok (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Communities’ march demand action as Kok River contamination remains unresolved

Communities’ march demand action as Kok River contamination remains unresolved Communities along the Kok River say that their livelihood are being affected by water contamination. At Ban Khwae Wua Dam, a community in Chiang Rai’s Mae Yao Subdistrict, community members are not sure when the water became contaminated. It has been noted, however, that there was an abnormal amount of mud during the flood and that the Pollution Control Department took samples to check for contamination. Monks marching during the Peace Walk Village Head Somphong Phanasangawong said that the community was damaged by a major flood in 2024 and that children in the village have been hospitalized after coming into contact with the mud and floodwater.  A woman in the community said chemicals were found in her body during a checkup, and that she has been unhappy since the flood. Not only is she worried about another flood, but her house has also been invaded by bugs and frogs. Community members suffer from mental health issues; she said that one person lost the house he built with money he earned working overseas and committed suicide. Wirot Phanasangawong, another community member, said he used to fish in the river, but as the water become contaminated, he could no longer do so. His skin would itch when he touched the water, and he said that he now has to check with vegetable sellers where their gardens are and where they get the water from. Another community member said that vendors in the riverside markets between Chiang Rai and Chiang Mai’s Mae Ai district can no longer fish in or plant crops along the river. Meanwhile, the fish they caught are not selling, when in the past fish vendors use to run out within three hours. ‘Peace walk’ demands action To raise awareness about water contamination in six rivers and demand action from the Thai government, monks, community members, and civil society workers participated in a six-day ‘peace walk’ along the Kok River. The march started in Chiang Mai’s Mae Ai district on 31 May and ended at the Chiang Rai Provincial Hall on 5 June, which was World Environment Day. Phra Maha Nikhom Mahaphinikkhamano, Assistant Abbot of Wat Tha Ton in Mae Ai, said that the most important result of the walk is that people pay attention to river contamination, as the public remain largely unaware of it. The situation is worsening, said Phra Maha Nikhom. He is concerned that, without action, contamination in the Kok, Sai, Ruak, and Mekong rivers will have a long-term impact on the population.  “A large number of people acknowledge that there is a problem, but they still need more information about the cause, the effect, approaches to a solution, and who should be held responsible. Many communities feel that this problem is too big for them to handle themselves, so the peace walk is a chance to raise awareness, understanding and hope among people.” Phra Maha Nikhom said that the main demand is for regulation of mining upstream and for activities to be suspended until appropriate measures can be implemented. He noted that there are still no concrete measures after two years, and that the contamination affects the tourism industry and the local economy as well as people’s quality of life. He also said that the affected communities need to be compensated, noting that people no longer trust the Kok River as a water source. Meanwhile, government response has been slow. He also noted that communities in Myanmar have also been affected but cannot openly express opinions or protest due to the situation in their country, so people in Thailand have more opportunity to push for change.  Lack of testing centre, centralized government add to problem Academics, local NGOs, and civil society members have said that  the implementation of solutions has been slow because it was unclear which agency is responsible, while local governments cannot do much due to limited budgets and authority.  Dr. Suebsakun Kidnukorn of the School of Social Innovation at Mae Fah Luang University said he would like the government to set up a heavy metal contamination testing centre in Chiang Rai at the Mae Fah Luang University and the Rajamangala University of Technology Lanna. This is so that testing can be done quickly, as he said samples now have to be tested in Bangkok and this takes up to a month.  Olan Panyatrakul, Deputy Mayor of Mae Yao Subdistrict Municipality, said that the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environment is the main agency overseeing Mae Yao’s forests. Meanwhile, only 10% of the local government’s budget has been allocated to infrastructure development. Sirirat Santhi, Mae Yao Subdistrict Municipal Clerk, sees the contamination in the Kok River as a security threat. Local governments along the river should be collaborating on a proposal to be submitted to the Ministry of Interior’s Department of Local Administration. Saengrawee Suveerakarn, Vice President of the Romphothi Foundation, said that community members in Tha Ton subdistrict met Minister of Natural Resources and Environment Suchart Chomklin last year. They called for an end to mining and for their water sources to be made safe. 10 months later, their demands have still not been met. Saengrawee said that people in Tha Ton have been buying water at 15 times the price paid by people in the city. The Romphothi Foundation proposes that a pollution map of the subdistrict be made with a new water storage area. Saengrawee said that about a quarter of the subdistrict is flooded, but no produce grown in Tha Ton can be sold elsewhere, so she is proposing that a pollution map be made to identify the area of damage and so that it would be easier to issue compensation. On 5 June, representatives of the People's Network for the Protection of the Kok, Sai, Ruak, and Mekong Rivers took part in a meeting with Pol Maj Gen Nantachat Supamongkol, Deputy Minister of Natural Resources and Environment. Senator Maneerat Khemawong, People’s Party MP for Chiang Mai Phattarapong Leelaphat, and Chiang Rai Governor Chucheep Pongchai were also in attendance. During the meeting, a group of people held up a banner saying “What the fuck is the government doing?” Chucheep asked them to take the banner down, saying that they should respect the meeting room because the city hall is letting them use the meeting room free of charge. Discussions continued after environmental activist Niwat Roykaew, Chair of the Rak Chiang Khong group, asked that the banner be taken down. Pol Maj Gen Nantachat said at the end of the meeting that he was attending the meeting on behalf of Suchart, who was unavailable. He insisted that the Minister is taking the river contamination issue seriously, although some things might be delayed. He also proposed that a joint committee be set up to find solutions with civil society representatives as committee members. However, the meeting concluded that a national committee is needed with the authority to make orders and work with other ministries. Civil society members also said that they would like the Prime Minister to visit the area to hear directly from the communities about the issues. They also submitted a petition to the Prime Minister calling for transnational river contamination to be treated as part of the national agenda. eng editor 1 Wed, 2026-07-08 - 13:32 * Feature * Kok River * water contamination (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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Citizen and lecturer indicted for defamation in case filed by MP candidate

Citizen and lecturer indicted for defamation in case filed by MP candidate A citizen and a lecturer from Mahidol University have been indicted for criminal defamation over a Facebook post and comment questioning alleged vote-buying involving a Pheu Thai MP candidate.  A 37-year-old man identified as Amnat (surname withheld) and Dr. Trynh Phoraksa, a lecturer from Mahidol University’s Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, were indicted for defamation by publication, according to Thai Lawyers for Human Rights. The complaint was filed by Rattikan Kaewkerdmee, a Pheu Thai MP candidate for Bangkok’s Sai Mai District. The case stems from an incident in February when the lecturer posted on Facebook allegations of vote-buying during the 2026 general election in February. The post read “A villager sent it to me. I don’t know whether it’s true or not. This space is for public relations and raising questions.” The post included screenshots of a chat discussing vote-buying, and it also featured a picture of the MP candidate with her face censored. The post drew attention of the public, including Amnat, who wrote a comment under the post without mentioning the name of the MP candidate. According to the complaint, Trynh’s post caused damage to Rattikan’s reputation, leading to a lower vote total compared to the number of votes she received while running for a Bangkok Council seat in 2022. Rattikan also denied engaging in vote-buying as alleged in the chat, saying that the message contained false information.  Regarding Amnart’s comment, the complaint stated that he wrote the comment in a way that confirmed the allegation, constituting defamation against Rattikan. During a preliminary hearing, Rattikan said that the MP candidate referred to in Trynh’s post was herself. The MP candidate added that such an allegation could put her at risk of legal proceedings, particularly under the election law. She asserted that she did not buy votes as alleged.  Rattikan also stated that Amnat wrote the comment claiming that vote-buying occurred in his own constituency without identifying the constituency by name. Rattikan then replied to the comment saying “be prepared for a summons.”  The MP candidate noted that in 2022, when she ran for the Bangkok Council, she received 44,507 votes, but only 23,493 votes in the 2026 general election. She believed that the decline in her support resulted from defamation committed by the two defendants.  Rattikan also stated that although her face was obscured, residents in Sai Mai district could still recognise that the person depicted was her. Trynh admitted that the post was written by him, adding that no one in his comment section identified the MP candidate as Rattikan. He also argued that raising questions about vote-buying is a part of scrutiny by citizens  in accordance with democratic principles. On Tuesday (7 July), the Criminal Court indicted the two defendants on the grounds that the case has a reasonable ground to proceed.  eng editor 3 Wed, 2026-07-08 - 13:12 * News * Rattikan Kaewkerdmee * defamation (Feed generated with FetchRSS)

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