Social Security Advisory Committee [Unofficial]

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News and updates from the Social Security Advisory Committee 🌉 bridged from 🌐 https://ssac.blog.gov.uk/: https://fed.brid.gy/web/ssac.blog.gov.uk

Keeping pace? Reviewing benefits, thresholds and caps in a changing economy

Since joining the Social Security Advisory Committee in September last year, I’ve been hugely impressed by the depth of expertise and the breadth of experience that the Committee benefits from. My colleagues on the Committee don’t just bring a wide range of knowledge, but a range of perspectives too. In all of our meetings I’ve seen a genuine willingness to listen to and understand each other’s views and to reach a shared position that’s all the stronger and more robust for it. That’s certainly been the case in the Independent Work Programme (IWP) steering group, which oversees the Committee’s programme of research. In January this year, the IWP steering group met to work through a number of suggestions for research projects, which were submitted by members of the wider Committee. Back then, with so many interesting and thoughtful suggestions of areas where the SSAC could add value with our independent research, it was clear that it was going to be difficult to whittle down the choices. It was so difficult, in fact, that we ended up selecting two projects. One project is looking at ageing transitions and the other, which I’ve been supporting along with a small sub-group of SSAC colleagues, is on the uprating of benefits. Uprating helps to protect claimants from rising prices, keeping up with living standards of the wider population, and, in some cases, reduce poverty by increasing benefits faster than inflation, such as through the State Pension triple lock. The current framework, set out in the Social Security Administration Act 1992, requires annual reviews and formal uprating orders. Under that framework, some benefits are required to keep pace at least with inflation, but many are not. Some of these, and some of the rates, thresholds and caps which are important parts of the social security system have either been frozen since they were introduced or are uprated irregularly. These include the Benefit Cap, Local Housing Allowance and Bereavement Support Payment. A key aim of this project was to find out what has happened to these over time. However, as so often happens with research projects, the further we’ve got, the more potential scope has opened up for us to explore other potential connected issues. It’s been important that we stay disciplined and focused on what we’re setting out to understand from this project – why and how certain benefits are uprated irregularly, what the impact of this has been, and what could be done to make the process better. In our meetings we have often had to remind ourselves of this, and the resource limitations that we’re working under. That being said, we are now getting close to the finish line and publication of what should be a thought-provoking and well evidenced report and set of recommendations. As well as looking at what’s happened (or not happened) when it comes to benefits uprating, we wanted to understand what that has meant for real people and their lives. So our findings have been informed by interviews and roundtables with stakeholders, as well as a comprehensive database of benefit rates and values that we have been putting together. We’ve gathered some important insight on where benefits, thresholds or caps have been frozen or uprated sporadically. There is also compelling evidence of how their real terms value has been impacted, and what that means for claimants. Whether it’s inflation, earnings, or the average wages, we’re considering whether benefits, thresholds and allowances have been keeping pace with key metrics. In assessing the impact of this, we’re giving consideration to what the policy intent of the benefit or threshold was in the first place, to consider whether that intent is being fulfilled. Having set out the problem, we’ve been working together as a group to explore what the solutions might be. Talking through the possible different approaches, we’ve considered whether each is workable, and weighed up the benefits and risks. Whatever the reasons behind the decisions that have been taken, it’s clearly important for us all to understand what process is being followed, and, as always, we’re interested in ensuring accountability, consistency and fairness. We’re looking forward to finalising and releasing our report soon, and hope that it will start a useful conversation about the way that benefits uprating is currently handled, and how it might be improved.

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Shining a spotlight on social security towards the end of working life

For as long as I can remember, and probably a long time before that, ‘our ageing society’ has been a ubiquitous phrase. Despite recent wobbles, life expectancy is far higher than it was a couple of generations ago, and more people are working for longer too. Many of the consequences for social policy are widely debated and sometimes acted on: witness the abolition of so-called default (ie forced) retirement ages in 2011, and the ‘review and increase’ story of the qualifying age for the state pension. What has received much less attention, however, is the way that the wider social security system deals with an ageing population of claimants. The unexamined flipside of higher pension ages is the prolonging of ‘working-age’ status. For all women, and indeed for poorer men with means-tested entitlements, the move out of ‘working age’ used to happen at 60, but is now 66 and rising. The movement of the large 1960s birth cohort into and through their sixties redoubles the consequences. More relatively older people will now be subject to those strict work-search requirements which are, in the absence of special circumstances, a condition of receiving Universal Credit. All this makes it pertinent to ask whether the detailed rules of the benefit system and the operation of employment support is serving 60-somethings as well as they should. The expertise of the Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC), as well as the access it enjoys to the Department for Work and Pensions and the jobcentre network, makes it especially well-placed to press this question. That’s why I am delighted that – as part of the Committee’s independent work programme – we are launching an inquiry to this end. Our initial reconnaissance points to starting with an exploration of the chief barriers to work facing older people. These might include age-related health issues, caring duties (including grandparenting) and employer reluctance to hire older workers, whether out of simple prejudice or out of potentially rational doubts, such as about the difficulties of recouping investment in training. Such difficulties with employers may be most of an issue with new prospective employers, who may also be less inclined to make reasonable adjustments for other barriers than they are in the case of workers that they have known for a long time. This makes it important to consider not only how far the system supports older claimants in _finding_ work, but more particularly whether it does enough to support them in _keeping_ any connection with an employer that they already have. Building on an approach successfully deployed by SSAC in recent research on the way that benefits interact with the participation decisions of young people, we envisage drawing up an illustrative selection of case studies of 60-somethings living in different circumstances, and explore how far working extra hours or working at all pays for them once all the consequences for benefits are taken into account. The different rules for means-tested benefits for those who are deemed beyond ‘working age’ could also be interesting: is the system doing all that it could to support those pensioners who do want to work? As well as benefit rules, we wish to examine Jobcentre practice. What offer is made to older claimants? What support is available to older non-claimants who are seeking employment? How much tolerance is there or isn’t there for individuals to work part-time or with variable hours, potentially a good way for claimants to stay employed despite the barriers that they face? As well as working closely with officials and Jobcentre staff, we are, through a series of roundtable discussions, gauging the views of employers, charities, unions, academics and others in civil society about what does and doesn’t work in the existing system. These discussions are proving to be valuable not only in elucidating the current system, but also in sourcing answers to the one question that matters most. Namely, how might things be improved?

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Northern Ireland stakeholder engagement: the value of local experience

I was delighted to be appointed to the Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC) in January 2026. SSAC is an independent statutory body that provides impartial advice on social security related matters. It scrutinises the majority of complex secondary legislation that underpins the social security system and also conducts research as part of its independent work programme. I had good knowledge of SSAC and the importance of its work in advance of joining the Committee. I head a Social Security Unit at Law Centre NI providing specialist support to members of the public and the local advice sector. I was aware that SSAC reports have been exhibited as part of the evidence demonstrating the underlying policy intent behind the legislation being challenged through test case litigation. I was also able to directly interact with SSAC through my attendance at stakeholder engagement events, including annual visits to Northern Ireland. Since I have joined SSAC it has been a rewarding change of perspective to witness and contribute to the work of the Committee from the inside. In May, SSAC again returned to Northern Ireland for a stakeholder engagement which, conveniently for me, was hosted by Law Centre NI. This hybrid event was attended by key stakeholders from across the jurisdiction. The stakeholder engagement comprised a recap on the function of SSAC, an overview of some of the most recent work of the Committee and, importantly, provided an opportunity for stakeholders to draw the Committee’s attention to issues impacting locally. _SSAC’s scrutiny of secondary legislation_ Among the updates provided to stakeholders was SSAC’s response to The Universal Credit, Personal Independence Payment and Employment and Support Allowance (Amendment) Regulations 2026 (The ‘Right to Try’ Regulations). These Regulations were subject to scrutiny in my first meeting following appointment to SSAC in January 2026, with the Committee deciding to take the Regulations on Formal Reference.[1] The pro-active scrutiny of these Regulations has been an excellent introduction to the inner workings of SSAC. It is part of the Committee’s role to advise and assist, and on this occasion, it was important to communicate that the proposed draft Regulations alone would not achieve the stated policy intent of more clearly assuring claimants with disabilities or health conditions that they can try work without the fear of automatically losing entitlement. It was pleasing to see that officials were genuinely receptive to the advice of the Committee and the subsequent report produced by SSAC resulted in the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions accepting four of the Committee’s five recommendations, with the remaining one partially accepted. Personally, as someone who is aware of the challenges associated with litigation and policy advocacy _after_ legislation has been passed, it has been gratifying to observe how the Committee can achieve positive influence much further upstream. Ensuring equality impact or unintended consequences are considered before legislation has been passed benefits the Department, and most importantly, those interacting directly with the social security policies involved. The legislation underpinning the Social Security system is vast, and achieving policy intent can be complex. The value of the independent expert Committee is that it can find potential deficiencies in the proposed legislation at an early stage and this provides officials with a ‘stitch in time’ opportunity to amend. I have been impressed to observe the skilful collective approach of the Committee to scrutiny and the important value of advice at an early stage. _SSAC’s independent work programme_ Back in Northern Ireland, stakeholders were next updated about some of the Committee’s projects as part of the independent work programme. Our independent work programme allows SSAC to support robust scrutiny and impartial advice to ministers by providing evidence, enriching debate on current issues, stimulating discussion, and introducing new data-driven insights. The Committee updated stakeholders on a recent SSAC report considering The influence of the Social Security system on educational and vocational decision making at age 16. This report explores how the design of the social security system influences the choices 16‑year‑olds and their families make about staying in full‑time education or moving into apprenticeships and other vocational routes. The report was timely, in advance of the interim _Milburn Report_ into Young people and work, with one of the findings highlighting the unintended loss of benefit and subsequent overall household income if a young person chooses an apprenticeship over remaining in mainstream education. Stakeholders in NI were also updated on two additional reports that SSAC are currently working on as part of the independent work programme. The first of these will consider ageing transitions and explore how the social security system supports incomes and employment opportunities for those aged 60 and over. The second project will document the processes and decision making on irregularly uprated benefits and the impact this has. _The importance of stakeholder insight_ The remainder of the stakeholder engagement meeting in Northern Ireland was a dedicated space to share issues and trends that local practitioners are seeing on the frontline. My experience is that Northern Ireland has a very engaged and proactive advice sector so it was beneficial for the Committee to hear the issues being seen on the ground. A consistent theme raised was the Universal Credit managed migration process which will feed into ongoing scrutiny undertaken by SSAC. The last six months has been a busy introduction to the Committee, but I have been impressed to see how much influential work SSAC produces. I look forward to continuing in my role, learning from my colleagues and making a positive contribution to the ongoing development of an effective social security system, something I am passionate about. * * * [1] Section 172(1) and 174(1) of the Social Security Administration Act 1992

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Eight years at the heart of change: signing off from SSAC

It feels slightly surreal to be writing this. After eight years as the Wales member of the Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC), I’m stepping away. That’s long enough for the role to stop being “new” and start feeling like part of your professional DNA long enough, too, to see the system shift, stumble, adapt and, occasionally, genuinely improve. So, this is a bit of a reflection. Not a formal report, SSAC does plenty of those but a more personal view of what’s changed in the welfare landscape since I started, what SSAC has managed to influence (often quietly), and what I think still lies ahead. **Starting from (not even) Scratch** I should probably begin with how all this started because it still raises a smile. Over eight years ago, I received an email from the then Chair of SSAC - the subject line was simply “DWP”. My immediate reaction, if I’m honest, was not excitement or curiosity more gentle panic. I assumed I’d done something wrong. Unpaid taxes, perhaps? Some long-forgotten administrative failure finally catching up with me? That wasn’t the case. The email was an invitation to consider applying for a vacancy as SSAC member. My response was, in hindsight, entirely predictable. I politely suggested that, given my complete lack of knowledge of social security and, in particular, its secondary legislation, the Committee might want to look elsewhere. Two conversations later, I was persuaded - if that’s the right word - to apply. I used that application as another opportunity to explain why I was wholly unsuited to the role. The hope was that this would finally bring the whole episode to a close. It didn’t. A few days later I received an invitation to interview. At this point, I began to suspect they weren’t getting the message. So, I decided to make it crystal clear in person. I went to Caxton House fully intending to plead my case for rejection. The interview went about as you might expect. I was asked and failed to answer numerous questions on obscure corners of welfare legislation and practice. But in a moment of either honesty and clarity, I did say something along the lines of: _if you wanted an expert, then I wasn’t it. But if they wanted someone with a bit of life experience and a sense of duty to the success of the nation, then…_ I left the building with a spring in my step, convinced I’d succeeded in ruling myself out. Shortly afterwards, a letter arrived offering me the role, with a contract attached. That’s when I realised what was actually required for the role. **A Different Kind of Contribution** It became clear fairly quickly that I hadn’t been appointed despite my lack of technical expertise but, in part, because of it. Up to this point, I had enjoyed a life of service to our nation, first through my 26 years in the Armed Forces, including on operational deployments all over the world. More recently I had led charities including being then then Director of The Prince's Trust in Wales. Within a committee of many brilliant technical experts, it was vital that SSAC's membership also included people like me with a more generalist approach, with a network across business and other sectors and equipped with the rich and varied life experience that I had enjoyed for many years. Eight years on, my knowledge of the finer points of social security legislation may still provide relatively slim pickings. But that was never really the point. SSAC already has people who understand the intricacies of statutory instruments, regulatory frameworks, and policy architecture in extraordinary detail - and I’ll come back to them shortly. My role has been something different: to stand slightly outside that detail and ask the more fundamental questions. Why this policy? What problem is it trying to solve? What does good look like? How will this policy be understood? It’s seldom been the most sophisticated contribution in the room, but hopefully one that complemented others. Because in a system as complex as social security, it’s surprisingly easy to lose sight of the original motivation behind the policy. **The Company You Keep** One of the most striking things about SSAC, something that has never really diminished over time, is the sheer weight of intellect and expertise around the table. This is a Committee of people who really know their subject. Deep, often highly specialised knowledge of welfare policy, law, economics, labour markets, you name it. At times, it can be faintly intimidating. But what makes it work is how that expertise is used. There’s a genuine openness to challenge, a willingness to test assumptions, and a shared commitment to getting things right. And alongside the Committee members, there is the administrative and secretariat team without whom none of this would function as effectively as it does. They are, quite simply, excellent. They ensure the Committee’s work is thorough, organised, and grounded in evidence. They manage engagement with stakeholders across the UK, maintain strong working relationships within the Department, and ensure that everything we do stands up to scrutiny. Just as importantly, they operate with a constant focus on value for money and accountability. The outputs might look polished - and they are - but that’s underpinned by a great deal of careful, disciplined work behind the scenes. If SSAC has a reputation for rigour and credibility, a large part of that sits with them. **The View from Eight Years In** When I joined, Universal Credit was still rolling out something between an ambition and a live experiment, depending on your perspective. Eight years later, it is firmly established as the backbone of working-age benefits. The questions have shifted accordingly. We’re no longer asking whether it will work, but how it can be improved. Alongside that, we’ve seen continued reform of disability benefits, the system’s response to COVID-19, and the growing impact of cost-of-living pressures. Provisions and protections that pertain to refugees and asylum seekers have also risen up the agenda. From a Welsh perspective, the gradual development of devolved responsibilities has added another layer to the landscape. In short, it hasn’t stood still. **Where We’ve Made a Difference** SSAC’s role in all of this is often quiet but it is real. We’ve contributed to improvements in Universal Credit, refinements to payment structures, greater flexibility, and better transitional support. None of this happens overnight, but over time the system has evolved in response to evidence and scrutiny. We’ve consistently emphasised the importance of lived experience, ensuring that policy is informed by those who actually use the system. In Wales, that has meant drawing heavily on strong networks of third sector organisations and advice services. We’ve examined disability benefits closely, pushing for greater fairness, transparency, and dignity and considered the circumstances and motivations of young people. And during COVID, we played a role in reviewing rapid policy changes and highlighting the lessons that could be carried forward. **What Has Been Harder** Progress is rarely linear. There are longstanding challenges in the system - complexity, adequacy of support, gaps for certain groups for example - that don’t lend themselves to easy solutions. And while SSAC can advise and recommend, it doesn’t make policy decisions. There have also been times when the pace of reform has created risks in delivery. In those moments, the ability to step back and ask “are we sure?” or “this could be even better if….” has felt particularly important. **Looking Ahead** The system will continue to evolve and likely become more complex before it becomes simpler. The interaction between UK-wide and devolved provision will be a key issue, particularly in Wales with a new Welsh Government already making noises about devolving welfare decisions to local decision-makers. Questions of adequacy will remain front and centre, especially in the context of ongoing economic pressures. And the shift to digital services will need to be carefully balanced with accessibility. If there’s one thing that gives me confidence, it’s the increasing emphasis on evidence - both data and lived experience - as the basis for policy, which I know SSAC will continue to press-on. **A Personal Note** Looking back, it’s been an unexpected privilege, not because of the title, but because of the opportunity to contribute in a small way to something that matters. Social security is, at its core, about people, their ability to navigate difficult periods with a degree of stability and dignity. The clue is in the title. However, I would add that at a time in our country where the notion of ambition and taking personal responsibility for one’s future is butting up against a rapidly changing employment landscape – it is also about balancing the pull and push factors of economic activity. If I’ve added anything over the past eight years, I hope it’s been that slightly different perspective: the non-expert voice helping to ensure pluralism**,** asking why, challenging assumptions, and occasionally bringing things back to first principles. And along the way, I’ve had the benefit of working with and learning from some exceptional people. The intellect, the commitment, and the collective sense of purpose has been something quite special. **Signing Off** Eight years on, I still find it slightly amusing that my best efforts to avoid appointment resulted in actually being appointed. After all, SSAC is still affectionately known in my family as “that Committee that Dad’s on that he knows nothing about”. But I’m glad the recruitment panel didn’t take the hint and I was recommended to Ministers as a suitable appointee. Because despite my early concerns and perhaps because of them, it’s been an experience that has taught me far more than I expected. About policy, certainly, but also about people and systems. In an echo of my previous experience serving on operations around the world in our Armed Forces, it’s also about the priceless value of asking simple questions in complex environments. As I step away, SSAC is in excellent hands. The work will continue, the system will keep evolving, and the need for thoughtful, independent scrutiny will remain. And if there’s one thing I’ve learned, it’s that progress is possible, even if it takes time. Sometimes all it needs is persistence, evidence… and someone in the room still willing to ask, _“why?”_ Diolch yn fawr pawb.

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From stakeholder to Committee member: my early reflections on SSAC from the 'other' side

It is just a year now since I was interviewed to be a member of the Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC). This means that I have now been working as a committee member for some six months or so - taking part in meetings to scrutinise draft social security regulations and participating in discussions relating to SSAC’s strategy, including our independent work programme and ways of working. This was not by any means my first interaction with SSAC. Because of my background - both as deputy director and then director of the Child Poverty Action Group over a decade, and since then as a part-time academic and part-time freelance researcher and policy analyst - I had often attended stakeholder meetings convened by SSAC and always been aware of its key role and positive influence. It is crucial to ensure, whatever one’s view of a particular policy under consideration by the government, that this consideration is careful and thorough, and undertaken with a full understanding and awareness of the issues at stake, particularly for marginalised and disadvantaged groups. This is what SSAC endeavours to ensure. I wonder whether other parts of government are served as well as the Department for Work and Pensions is by having SSAC perform this key role. Working with Committee members who have such a wide range of experience and expertise is a real pleasure and I have also found the induction of new members exemplary. I am endeavouring to become accustomed to having more of an ‘insider’ role, having for much of my working life been ‘outside’. But SSAC is adamant that retaining its independence from government, Parliament and other stakeholders, whilst still working closely and constructively with government and others, is essential. Committee members bring much rich and diverse knowledge and insight from their external roles; but it is important to keep the two roles separate, taking care to be very clear when we are acting in a SSAC capacity and when we are not. My practice with regard to avoiding any conflicts of interest is to be as transparent as possible about my activities outside my SSAC membership and to ask advice about this when appropriate. And so far I have found that this works! It is an interesting time to have been appointed to SSAC. We are living in an ageing society and there are other pressures on the social security budget following the pandemic as well. Developments in the labour market and the family may result in a benefits system that is not always well adjusted to the flexible nature of work and the more fluid families of today. One focus of SSAC’s recent work which I have found particularly rewarding as a new member is its detailed attention to the quality of equality impact assessments carried out in relation to the scrutiny of draft regulations. Some of my previous experience has included working closely with a community advice centre for some two decades, as well as being involved on a long-term basis with organisations which see lived experience of poverty and/or benefits as being at the centre of their work. I look forward very much to continuing to work with my committed colleagues by contributing to evidence-based and impartial advice informed by a wide range of perspectives - including those of the people who deliver, or who are directly affected by, the social security system - to Ministers.

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The benefits system risks discouraging apprenticeships

**The benefits system risks discouraging apprenticeships** Different things in life evolve at different rates. That much is inevitable, but it’s still a source of trouble. Just think of all those newspaper stories about people splashing out on flash new EV cars only to get caught short in some corner of the country where there aren’t enough chargepoints. It’s just over a decade now since a major evolution of the education and training regime in England, with the raising of the required participation age to 18. The central 16+ choice is between full-time study, a full-time apprenticeship or a blend of study and work. But while the education system changed, the benefit system did not. A new report from the Social Security Advisory Committee exposes the unintended consequences that flow from this mismatch, some of which could distort the career paths of young people—particularly those from poorer homes. The means-tested benefits system obviously has to take account of both a family’s needs and its earnings. The more complex question with 16 and 17-year olds and their parents, however, is exactly who counts as a “family”. In the past, it was common for people to work like adults from 16: they could even get married. These days, most public policy draws a sharp line between adults and children at 18. But the social security system still puts 16 and 17 year-olds in a grey area. If they are in full-time education they remain children for benefit purposes; once they have left it, they effectively count as independent. When a 16-year old plumps for staying on at school or full-time college, all the family’s benefits continue as before. But if they leave to become an apprentice, they drop out of consideration on their parents’ benefit claim, and are implicitly assumed to rely on the apprenticeship wage they earn. Last financial year that would typically have been 35 hours at a £7.55 rate, or about £260 each week. In parallel, their parent(s) receive less benefits than before. Their lost entitlements might include: Child Benefit, the child element of Universal Credit, plus in some circumstances the premium for a disabled child and/or the so-called “work allowance”—i.e. a chunk of their own earnings that some people are allowed to keep without it affecting their benefit calculation. Looking in detail at seven families in different circumstances, the report found that the hit total hit to entitlement varies hugely, ranging from £17.25 to an extraordinary £339.92 every week. In general, the losses are larger where families have additional challenges, especially child disability. But even where no disability is involved, a working lone parent with one child in a private rental can lose out on entitlements (including child maintenance) to the tune of £225.49 a week when their 16 year-old starts an apprenticeship. In other words, she or he would need to get their hands on over 85 percent of the youngsters’ wage in order to retain their income. In a similar case where the child is entitled to a disability premium, the losses shoot above £300, and far exceed the total apprenticeship wage. So the household as a whole is then unambiguously worse off. Such outcomes seem incompatible with the official stance of the government, which is that full-time education and apprenticeships are two equally valid pathways. There is a danger that parents who understand the consequences for their benefits could discourage their children from doing apprenticeships, and that families who don’t understand the consequences could be in for a shock. The risk is not just theoretical: the Committee heard directly from families, young people and professionals advising them who confirmed that the benefit system was sometimes warping the participation choice. The root problem here concerns the unintentional misalignment that has grown up between two big systems, and as such it is not amenable to any quick single fix, however ingenious. But at a time when the high number of young people not in education, training or employment is a pressing concern, there is every reason to take this problem seriously. The report details the way in which other countries have avoided similar problems, and comes up with 13 practical recommendations for addressing them. Some are small changes which the committee believes could be implemented very rapidly—such as closing a brief gap in payments that can affect families in the early weeks of a young person’s apprenticeship between the family’s benefits being recalculated (typically in late August) and the youngsters’ first wage being received (typically in later September). This is a crunch time for budgeting as they might be required to buy work clothes and other materials. Other recommendations would be likely to require more scoping work and resources, and so rank as medium-term ambitions. For example, aligning the treatment of earnings between apprentices and full-time students, who—unlike apprentices—can currently earn in part-time jobs without benefit calculations being affected. In the longer term, a more thoroughgoing review of all benefit rules and their interactions with education and training for 16-18 year olds will be needed to steer us towards a more comprehensive resolution. This is complex terrain. But unless we want to see young people’s futures being determined, not by their ambitions and aptitudes, but instead by snares in the benefit system, it is terrain that cannot be ignored.

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From Parity to Policy: The Northern Ireland Approach to Social Security

The role of the Northern Ireland member of the Social Security Advisory Committee is twofold. First, to contribute to the Committee’s work in general including scrutinising regulations, involvement in the independent research work and wider engagement with stakeholders. Second, to shine a light on the particular circumstances in Northern Ireland, and the impact this has for social security policy and legislation. Our advice to Ministers is enriched by stakeholder meetings and operational visits, both of which have enormous value in providing a wide range of experience and insights.  I was therefore delighted to be part of a visit to Belfast alongside Committee colleagues Dr Stephen Brien and Rachel Chiu for a series of discussions with the Department for Communities (NI), the Northern Ireland Assembly Communities Committee and a range of other valued stakeholders. Social security has been a devolved issue in Northern Ireland for more than a century. The current arrangements are recognised in Section 87 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 which effectively requires the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions and counterpart at the Department for Communities (NI) to consult with each other with a view to securing single systems of social security, child support and pensions for the UK. The commitment to co-ordination (more often referred to as the parity principle) is bolstered by the ‘Treasury’s Statement of Funding Policy: Funding the Scottish Government, Welsh Government and Northern Ireland Executive’. The latest statement from June 2025 outlines that where the: ‘ _Northern Ireland Executive’s welfare programmes mirror the equivalent programmes in Great Britain, the UK government will fund the costs. If the Northern Ireland Executive opts to make these programmes more generous then they will need to meet the additional costs_ ’ (para 7.16). In effect, if Northern Ireland wants to do something different it must pay for it including where applicable any workarounds or changes needed to the IT systems which are relied on by the Department for Communities (NI) for delivery of most of its social security provision. This has meant that despite having greater devolved powers than in Scotland, the NI Executive has not moved as far from the principle of parity. Nonetheless, there are significant differences. In 2012 a Welfare Reform Bill equivalent to the Welfare Reform Act in Britain, which introduced significant cuts to social security, did not get through the NI Assembly after being blocked by Sinn Fein and other political parties. The UK government’s response was to work out the savings foregone and to reduce the block grant paid to Northern Ireland by a similar sum. The impasse was finally resolved in the Fresh Start Agreement in 2015 with the Northern Ireland legislation being fast tracked through Westminster Parliament alongside equivalent legislation to the Welfare Reform and Work Act. One outworking of the Fresh Start Agreement was that an independent panel was set up by the NI Executive with an agreed budget to recommend social security mitigations. As a result, the ‘bedroom tax’ and ‘benefit cap’ while part of the Northern Ireland legislation were mitigated.  Moreover, welfare support payments were introduced to provide claimants adversely affected by the move from Disability Living Allowance to Personal Independence Payment (PIP), the curtailment of contributory Employment and “Support Allowance to 12 months save for those in the support group and other changes all received payments for a defined period to provide a soft landing. In addition, a Discretionary Support scheme was set up to replace the Social Fund providing grants and interest free loans for furniture and household goods and other needs to claimants including those not on means-tested benefits but below an annual income threshold. The scheme also offers a Universal Credit New Claims Grant to tide over claimants struggling to manage the five week wait for a first Universal Credit payment. A second commissioned independent mitigations review published in autumn 2022 recommended a further series of mitigations, however this review did not have an agreed budget in advance and its recommendations have remained largely unrealised. Other differences that apply to Universal Credit are that UC is normally paid  twice monthly automatically and the housing costs element normally goes direct to the landlord rather than claimants having to request alternative payment arrangements or, in Scotland, having to seek to access the ‘Scottish choices’ scheme. The other dimension that the Northern Ireland member brings to the table is knowledge of the different social and economic backdrop critical to social security legislation and policy and its specific impact. Outside of social security support for childcare Northern Ireland lags way behind the rest of the UK in providing additional support, while there are significantly higher numbers per head of population claiming PIP, particularly on grounds of mental health issues. The rate of economic inactivity is much higher with over one in four people of working age neither in work nor actively seeking work. Moreover, the percentage gap between those with disabilities in work and those without is substantially greater than elsewhere in the UK. In practice, these issues were thrown into sharp relief during our recent visit by the Committee to Northern Ireland, where we met senior officials in the Department for Communities, the DUP Minister for Communities Gordon Lyons, the Northern Ireland Assembly Communities Committee and advice sector representatives from Advice NI and the Law Centre. The Communities Committee was focussing on employment programmes including a number of innovative interventions, how work coaches operated in practice for example: * in reaching out to claimants with no obligation to engage with surprisingly successful results; and * the frustrations faced by the advice sector that, as a consequence of the implications of Northern Ireland legislation that means many children start school a year later than in Britain, where families on UC with such children who have missed a school year due to ill-health, disability or other reasons can no longer be counted as part of the family because of their age before starting their final year of education. It is clear that successful employment programmes need to be scaled up. However, one problem is that under the Barnett funding formula additional funding for employment programmes which is transferred from HM Treasury to the NI Executive goes into the general pot and depending on political priorities does not necessarily end up with the Department for Communities. Such visits help illustrate why keeping abreast of the application of devolved powers in social security is important when thinking about UK social security policy as a whole as Northern Ireland can be a test bed for important initiatives while its specific context may mean that simply following parity can have different practical ramifications than elsewhere across the Irish Sea.

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How does the benefits system influence young people’s choices?

The Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC) exists to provide impartial advice to the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions and the wider ministerial team on the social security system. As part of our independent work programme we have just begun a new detailed study into how the benefits system influences the decisions young adults aged 16- to 18-year-old – and their families – make around education, apprenticeship and work. The support provided by Child Benefit, Universal Credit, and other payments varies according to the decisions taken by young adults. For young people in low-income households the decision to move from full‑time education into an apprenticeship can – but not always – reduce their parent(s) entitlement to means-tested support. For young carers, care leavers, or those with disabilities, the implications can be particularly complex. And there is variation in the support available in different parts of the UK. The three key goals of our study are therefore to: * understand and document how support provided for young people in different circumstances varies according to whether they remain in education, begin an apprenticeship or move into paid work with training; * assess how well families understand the financial consequences of these choices, and whether decision-making is based on clear information; * examine the impact of the benefits system on the decisions young people and their parents actually make. Our project will draw on existing research and engagement with policy officials at the Department for Work and Pensions and devolved administrations in order to map how support for different choices made by young adults varies across England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. We also want to understand the lived experience behind the formal rules of the system and the relevant statistics. To ensure this, we will bring in voices from those with experience of these issues including, most importantly, directly from parents and young people themselves. We will also host roundtables with charities, including organisations working with young carers, care leavers and disabled young people. And we will meet with think tanks and others who have done work in this important, though somewhat neglected, policy area – especially in the context of the raising of the education and training leaving age up to 18 in 2013. Our project is also timely. There is increasing concern about the rising number of young people in the UK who are Not in Education, Employment or Training (NEET). The DWP’s recent Green Paper includes a discussion of reforms specifically targeted at 16- to 24-year-olds, and the Government has a new Youth Guarantee for 18- to 21-year-olds in England. By way of a response to some of these issues, DWP has just appointed a Director for Youth and NEET, Alex Fitzpatrick. We look forward to working with Alex and her colleagues as our research proceeds through the summer and autumn, with a plan to send our findings – on what is working well and any weaknesses that we uncover – and recommendations for any reforms needed to the Secretary of State for Work and Pensions by the end of the year. If you have any evidence relevant to the three goals listed above that may inform our advice or help shape our recommendations to the Secretary of State, we would be delighted to hear from you. Please do get in touch with Lauren Shields, who we have recently been delighted to welcome to our secretariat under a PhD student policy internship scheme funded by UK Research and Innovation to support us on this project. Lauren can be contacted at ssac.consultation@ssac.gov.uk.

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New legislative framework enables faster response to humanitarian crises

The Department of Work and Pensions (DWP) laid emergency regulations last week to ensure that people recently evacuated by the government from Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories could apply for means-tested, disability and carer benefits straight away. Without these regulations they, and others, would have to wait 1-3 months before claiming means-tested benefits, and up to two years for disability and carer benefits.[1] However, these regulations do more than simply tackle the problem for people affected by the recent escalation of violence between Israel and Iran. They are intended to solve the problem for people in similar humanitarian crises in the future – in line with our earlier advice. In recent years, DWP has had repeatedly to lay emergency legislation to exempt those arriving from Afghanistan (2021),2] Ukraine (2022),[3] Sudan (2023) and the Middle East (2023) from DWP’s residency tests. Developing legislation rapidly in the face of humanitarian crises inevitably raises the risk of error and/or oversight. Therefore the [Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC), during its statutory scrutiny of such regulations, has since 2021 consistently recommended to successive ministers that they introduce a standard legislative framework that would cover future similar humanitarian situations without the requirement to bring forward new regulations. This would ensure that people in similar circumstances would be treated consistently and enable DWP to respond faster to emergencies. Bringing forward a legislative framework of this nature is not without complexity and requires significant negotiation to secure cross-government agreement. I am pleased that, notwithstanding those challenges, the Government has acted on our advice. Understandably given the circumstances, DWP had to lay these regulations urgently, so SSAC has not formally consulted on them before they came into force on 18 July 2025. However, SSAC look forward to giving them our normal full scrutiny at our next meeting in September 2025. * * * [1] For means tested benefits people have must have taken up residence in the UK and lived here for an appreciable period of time. Case law suggests this should be 1-3 months. For disability and carer benefits people must have been present in GB for 2 out of last 3 years 2] [SSAC to the Minister for Welfare Delivery: The Social Security (Habitual Residence and Past Presence) Amendment Regulations 2021 - GOV.UK 3] [SSAC to the Minister for Welfare Delivery: The Social Security (Habitual Residence and Past Presence) Amendment Regulations 2022 – GOV.UK

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Our initial advice on disability benefit reform

Few challenges facing the country are more significant than ensuring our social security system provides the right support for people with disabilities and severe or chronic health conditions, supporting them to live independently and, for those who are able, to find and sustain meaningful work. As with all major reforms, to succeed, these proposals need to be underpinned by a clear, integrated vision. Any major policy shifts must be backed by a transparent public rationale that explains both the reasoning and the expected outcomes. Following the publication of the _Pathways to Work_ _: Reforming Benefits and Support to Get Britain Working_ _Green Paper_, the Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC) has been engaging closely with the Secretary of State and her ministerial team, expert advisers and officials at the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP). As an independent body, our role is to provide impartial advice to the Secretary of State on social security matters, and we have been doing just that during our engagement with the Department with respect to the aspects of the Green Paper where the government has been consulting and also more broadly. The consultation exercise on the Green Paper closed on Monday (30 June), and as the Department considers the responses it has received from a wide range of organisations and individuals, I thought it timely to share our initial views on a number of areas which we considered required further attention, and on which we advised the Department to reflect further when considering its next steps. Although the Government has recently announced that it has taken one of its Green Paper proposals out of the current Bill which will deliver aspects of this reform, this advice remains pertinent.[1] **1. An Integrated Vision** The Green Paper contains far-reaching proposals for reforming benefits, supporting people into work, and managing public spending. What does ‘good’ look like? We have urged the government to articulate further its goals for the different groups of people who will be affected, ranging from those who are expected to return to the labour market relatively quickly to those for whom there is little or no realistic expectation of future work because of the nature of their health condition or disability. A more tangible range of ambitions will not only provide certainty for claimants but will also be essential for the thousands of DWP staff who will be tasked with delivering these reforms on the ground. **2. The "Why" Behind the Policy Matters** We have highlighted several areas where the intent behind the proposals needs to be explained more fully as the policy is developed. The proposal to make the Personal Independence Payment (PIP) the sole gateway to the health element of Universal Credit (UC) is a fundamental change. Historically, we have had two distinct types of support: one for the extra costs of disability (PIP) and one to alleviate the poverty associated with being out of work long-term due to ill-health (the UC health element). Conflating these two purposes by using a test for one to grant the other needs a clearly articulated justification. The Minister for Social Security and Disability has subsequently announced that clause 5 would be removed from the Bill at Commons Committee stage and that no changes to PIP eligibility, activities and descriptors would be made before the completion of his review into PIP eligibility _._[2]__ We have previously asked the government to clarify its thinking so that everyone, including Parliament ahead of its consideration of the Bill, was able to understand the underlying rationale. The PIP review will provide an opportunity to do so on that aspect. **3. Employment Support** The Green Paper promises "_tailored and guaranteed support_ " for disabled people, which is a welcome ambition. The plan involves removing the Work Capability Assessment. This is a complex area requiring specialist skills. We have recommended that as the Department develops its policy, it provides more details on: * How will this new support be designed and delivered? * What training and guidance will staff receive to make discretionary decisions fairly and effectively? * How will we know what works, and for whom? * Critically, how much of the new support systems will be in place _before_ financial support is changed? We note the additional funds proposed for employment support, and look forward to receiving greater clarity around how the Department intends to make use of the insights obtained from pilots across the country to inform and support effectively the development of employment support proposals. **4. The Need for Evidence** The Committee has consistently raised concerns about the adequacy of published Equality and Poverty Impact Assessments for major policy proposals. We are urging the Department to create a solid foundation of evidence to underpin its policy development, for example by undertaking and publishing a deep analysis of how these reforms will affect different groups, including those with protected characteristics, carers, and families who may be affected by the benefit cap. **Our Conclusion: Learn from the Past, Trial for the Future** History has shown that reforming health and disability benefits is fraught with risk. Previous attempts made by successive governments have often failed to meet their goals, leading to rising costs while damaging trust and causing real harm to claimants. Because the stakes are so high, including for a significant number of claimants in vulnerable situations, we believe it is imperative that any changes are robustly tested and trialled. This is the only way to ensure that policy is informed by high-quality evidence and analysis, avoiding the mistakes of the past. The Government has demonstrated its willingness to listen to advice – from SSAC, Parliamentarians and a wide range of other commentators and stakeholders. They have also given a commitment that the review into PIP eligibility “ _will be co-produced with disabled people, the organisations that represent them, clinicians, experts, MPs and other stakeholders, so a wide range of views and voices are heard_.” The Committee has previously been a strong advocate of the merits of such an approach, and we welcome this commitment.[3] The Committee fervently hopes that this commitment will lead to better outcomes which effectively deliver the government’s ambition that “ _disabled people have the support they need to live independently, with dignity, and will unlock opportunities to get into work without facing the prospect of losing the help they need_ ”.[4] The Committee will, in due course, fulfil its statutory duty by scrutinising regulations that stem from the Green Paper. In addition, we will continue to engage constructively with the Department on the development of proposals that fall outside our formal scrutiny remit, for example those changes being brought forward in primary legislation and/or guidance. Our goal is to provide advice and add value across the entire reform programme and support the government in getting this right. * * * 1] [Universal Credit and Personal Independence Bill Introduced to Parliament on 18 June 2025. 2] [Second Reading of the Universal Credit and Personal Independence Bill 2025, 1 July 2025 “ _During this debate, my hon. Friend and others across the House have raised concerns that the changes to PIP are coming ahead of the conclusions of the review of the assessment that I will be leading. We have heard those concerns, and that is why I can announce that we are going to remove clause 5 from the Bill in Committee. We will move straight to the wider review…and only make changes to PIP eligibility activities and descriptors following that review. The Government are committed to concluding the review by the autumn of next year”._ 3] [SSAC Occasional Paper 25: How DWP involves disabled people when developing or evaluating programmes that affect them - GOV.UK 4] [Further details on welfare reforms published ahead of Second Reading - GOV.UK

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Child maintenance deductions from Universal Credit

I’ve been a member of the Social Security Advisory Committee (SSAC) for around ten years, having previously been a policy director in the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP). Last week I was pleased to see that DWP had agreed nearly all of the recommendations in our most recent report on regulations which changed the way child maintenance and other deductions are made from benefits.1] We had written formally to the [Secretary of State about them and she had accepted four out of five of our recommendations in whole or in part. The regulations came about because a change announced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer in last year’s Spring Budget would inadvertently stop some child maintenance deductions. She had announced that on 7 April 2025 the Fair Repayment Rate will reduce the maximum deductions that can be taken from a claimant’s Universal Credit (UC) personal allowance from 25 to 15 percent. This would ensure that people on the lowest incomes can keep more of their UC. However, as it stood it would also mean that, when claimants’ total deductions were over 15 percent, any child maintenance deductions would stop and the households where their children lived would be poorer as a result. DWP developed a package of temporary regulations to stop this from happening and presented these proposals to an extraordinary meeting of SSAC for scrutiny on 14 February 2025. At that meeting, we accepted that DWP needed to legislate quickly to prevent children losing out. However, the particular solution DWP had adopted meant that more households than before would have child deductions made, and some would see substantial increases in total deductions. Whilst this would benefit the households where their children (from a previous relationship) lived, the evidence we saw told us very little about the composition of, or impact on, households whose monthly income would drop as a result, including the impact on any children in their current household. We concluded that this was partly because of the absence of available data, and partly because DWP had not carried out sufficient analysis of potential effects, in particular the various ways the changes might affect disabled people.[2] We were also concerned about potential risks arising from child maintenance discussions displacing other deductions like those for fuel, and we thought that the date the regulations would come into force was not well enough aligned with the Fair Repayment Rate change. For these reasons we decided to take the regulations on ‘formal reference’.[3] This means that when the new regulations are laid, the Secretary of State has also to present our report to Parliament along with a statement setting out the extent to which she proposes to give effect to the recommendations and, if she doesn’t intend to accept them, the reasons why not. This is so that Parliament is better informed about the issues in any consideration of the regulations. Normally when we do this we consult widely to ensure that our analysis is as well informed as possible. However, a solution had to be put in place in time for the introduction of the Fair Repayment Rate. This meant it was not possible to consult others if we were to provide timely advice on the proposals. We therefore decided to rely on our own analysis of the issues, based on the information presented to us by DWP officials, the knowledge and experience of our members and our own 2020 report on the way social security affects separated families. In the Government’s response to our report, the Minister of State for Social Security and Disability agreed to: * commission and publish a much more thorough and detailed Equality Impact Analysis of the proposals using best available data before the regulations come into force; * actively involve us in agreeing a set of analysis to be undertaken over the next six months; * align the coming into force date of the regulations and the Fair Repayment Rate; and * the intent behind our recommendation of a comprehensive communication strategy, but not in practice to communicate proactively with all affected households (arguing that it would be impracticable and counter-productive). Ministers did not agree to our recommendation that claimants should be allowed to make representations about affordability before deductions begin. I have a number of reflections on this experience. * The social security system is complex and interacts with people’s lives in a huge number of ways. At least some of this complexity is unavoidable. But it means that it’s very hard to make changes which don’t have side effects – and tackling those side effects leads to further complexity and further side effects. Finding a balance between maximising the policy goal and minimising downsides is hard. * DWP is a data rich organisation, but our experience is that it often finds it challenging to mine and deploy that data. Just as seriously, where data is absent or in short supply it often seems as though DWP is unable to work through in detail the potential consequences of changes on particular groups of people. This is a clear example of where the Department’s Equality Impact Assessments need to be considerably strengthened. This issue forms a regular part of our engagement with DWP – both in our recommendations and regular discussions - and while there has been some progress, improvement is slow. * Our review on benefits and separated parents pointed to the challenges for separated parents to share care of their children and the need for the Government to have a strategy for separated parents (including parents without main caring responsibility) and their children with respect to the social security system. It remains pertinent today. * * * 1] [The Universal Credit, Personal Independence Payment, Jobseeker’s Allowance and Employment and Support Allowance (Claims and Payments) (Modification) Regulations 2025 (SI 2025/****) [2] DWP were aware that the impacts were uncertain and as a result had decided to time limit them to a year so that they could be assessed. 3] [The Social Security Administration Act 1992

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Reforming Benefits and Support: echoes of our earlier advice

It is not uncommon that the Social Security Advisory Committee's recommendations, while not wholly accepted at the time they are made, feature in some shape or form in policy announcements in the years that follow. The Secretary of State for Work and Pensions’ statement to Parliament launching the _Pathways to Work: reforming benefits and support to get Britain working Green Paper_ contains clear echoes of our advice from some of our previous reports. **_How the Department for Work and Pensions (DWP) involves disabled people when developing or evaluating programmes that affect them_** Our 2020 report emphasised the importance of engaging disabled people during the development, delivery and evaluation of policies and practices that directly impact them. We recommended that: * Co-production should become the ‘norm’; * DWP should establish a large-scale panel of disabled people with direct experience of the social security system; * DWP should establish a protocol to ensure consistent implementation and improved mutual understanding; and * DWP should routinely publish information about its engagement. For some of the proposals outlined in the Green Paper, there is a clear commitment to establish ‘collaboration committees’ to further develop reforms. These will _“bring together groups of people for specific work areas who will meet to collaborate with civil servants and provide discussion, challenge, and recommendations”._ The groups will include both those with lived experience and other experts, with _“a genuine ability to influence outcomes”_ and visibility of their impact. **_Out of work disability benefit reform_** In our 2022 report, we called on the then Government to de-risk the journey into work. We highlighted claimant concerns that taking up employment could mean: * A potential loss of Personal Independence Payment (PIP); * Being deemed 'fit for work', even if a job doesn't work out; * Facing greater conditionality; * Losing financial support of nearly £80 per week; * Potential loss of work allowances. Our recommendations included: * Providing a clear guarantee that no PIP reassessments would take place within twelve months if a claimant enters paid work; and * Providing a guarantee that if someone tries paid work and it does not work out, within a period of a year they can go back to the exact benefits they were on, without requiring a fresh Work Capability Assessment. The Government now proposes to legislate for a ‘right to try’,_“guaranteeing that work  in and of itself will never lead to a benefit reassessment. Giving people the confidence to take the plunge and try work – without the fear this will put their benefits at risk”._ **_The future of working age contributory benefits for those not in paid work_** In 2022 we completed an extensive study into the two long-neglected contributory benefits for out-of-work working age individuals: New Style Jobseeker’s Allowance (JSA) and New Style Employment and Support Allowance (ESA). We offered fifteen recommendations as a starting point for future review.[1] The Green Paper now confirms plans to consult _“on establishing a new, simple and clear “Unemployment Insurance” benefit through the reform of contributory working-age benefits.”   _This would provide greater income protection for those who have paid into the system _,_ by replacing contribution-based JSA (and ESA) with _“a new single entitlement, paid at the current  ESA rate (currently £138pw)” _that would be time-limited. It is good that these benefits are being considered as part of these reforms, and we hope that the Government will consider our recommendations as it consults on how best to take this issue forward. While it is encouraging to see the Committee’s advice having some impact, we recognise that much of the detail will be crucial to the success of these reforms. The Committee will undertake a close examination of the detailed proposals over the coming weeks, and provide advice to the Secretary of State as we deem appropriate under our statutory remit. * * * 1] Our earlier report _Jobs and benefits: The Covid-19 challenge _(2020), which was produced in partnership with the Institute for Government, also argued that "_Contributory JSA should be strengthened…the rate should not be below that provided by the standard allowance in[Universal Credit”._

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