Marios Richards

@mariosrichards.bsky.social

Frequently wrong. Please correct (effort involved appreciated). Experiments with Data Visualisation: https://github.com/MariosRichards/BES_analysis_code https://medium.com/@mariosrichards https://mariosrichards.substack.com/

This is a very common fallacy: You have a theory about how things work, then you notice that the real world doesn't work like your theory. So you interpret this as a *historical* development - in the old days, everything was neat and simple - rather than as a problem with the theory.

Two, resilience is about resisting bad information, either internally or externally, so it falls back into a counter-disinformation project that mistakes the current crisis as one of facts, when its really one of consequences.

This chart goes to underline my general position that looking at election results tends to lead people to massively understate the level of underlying stability in voter attitudes. Shifts in (positive) support for Farage are so small you could reasonably ask whether it's not just noise.

Marios Richards@mariosrichards.bsky.social · 2w ago

Here's a version that's ... slightly less of an eyesore. Can see the small growth of dedicated support and the broader coalition getting back to the breadth of 2014. But DKs and neutrals shrink and the actively disliking majority (60+% of the electorate) consolidate into Strongly Dislike.

Starmer's departure leaves Nigel Farage as by far the most unpopular leader (or senior politician). 56% "very unfavourable" is major problem for Reform - Reform can only win if their opponents divide & people with strong negative views of Farage will be more motivated by anti-Reform tactical voting

YouGov@yougov.co.uk · 2w ago

Latest major party leader net favourability ratings, July 2026 Andy Burnham: +3 Ed Davey: -8 Kemi Badenoch: -11 Zack Polanski: -26 Nigel Farage: -46 yougov.com/en-gb/articl...

open.substack.com/pub/mariosri... Tldr; I don't think the 1930s/2010-2020s are exceptional, I think it's 1945-1985 that's weird - that's the period where Authoritarian voters *aren't* voting for Authoritarian parties - which I'd describe as the Surprisingly Long Suppression of the Radical Right.

My Theory of the (Re)Growth of the Radical Right

The Radical Right - aka Extreme Right/Hard Right/Far Right - is a party family that has been studied pretty continuously since 1945[1].

open.substack.com

Just listened to Steve Davies (historian, IEA) reviewing the thesis of his book on the CapX podcast. Starts off arguing that there's been a Great Realignment from politics being about left-right economics to his euphemism for social liberal-authoritarian politics.

A surprising amount of political science - by actual political scientists - seems to just assume-without-testing that voters perceive politicians/parties as closest to them purely on the basis of <gives same/close answers to an easily framed survey question>.

Something I've noticed but never seen captured as a clear concept - there's a significant axis of human variation in how people respond to "members of two conflicting groups have both been subject to abuse from the other".

Elizabeth Taylor@elizabethtaylor47.bsky.social · 3w ago

So because some people (undefined) were abusive on twitter, the poisonous transphobia of GC organisations driving trans people out of society is in some way justified?

It's not true - Andy Burnham could *instead* break the (recently restated) manifesto pledge on tax or EU membership. But he *does* have to do *something proportionate to the majority* or it'll be hard to ask for another one (of any size).

Kevin Schofield@kevinschofied.bsky.social · 3w ago

'Andy Burnham Must Take This Chance To Rewire Westminster And Change The Way Brits Vote' Writing for HuffPost UK, Labour MPs Anna Dixon and Patrick Hurley make the case for proportional representation. www.huffingtonpost.co.uk/entry/andy-b...

Fun podcast on Messaging (ideological framing) vs Politics of Force (incorporate Puerto Rico, impeach Trump). Some talking past each other (I don't think these are contradictory positions and how people respond to the presence/absence of the Politics of Force is not unrelated to values).

Toby Buckle@polphilpod.bsky.social · 3w ago

"political scientists, consultants, commentators think about politics as primarily about policy, & values as secondary to that electorates are the opposite"

In our case we argue that the liberal/authoritarian scale contains one such item: support for censorship. We show this single item make women ‘more traditionalist’ We show women associate this item with pornography, and for many women this is an area of threat/safety. 5/8

After 16 years of Viktor Orbán's rule, Hungary's state television has suspended its news broadcasts for restructuring. The main state TV channel, M1, displayed a black screen with the following message: "Public media must not lie. We apologize for doing so for many years."

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My dissertation tests the downward mobility -> populism claim using methods than can be interpreted causally under a set of plausible assumptions. I find downward mobility may cause psychological discontent (e.g., status threat), but no evidence it causes populist support or attitudes. 3/4

Of a piece with so much of the political response to the rise of Radical Right parties. 1 - having a fundamentally Bad Theory of what's driving it (bad local economics) 2 - Bad Theory => Unquantified and Unfalsifiable hypothesis about how to fix it (spending hasn't worked...can't have been enough!)

Financial Times@financialtimes.com · last mo.

Hartlepool has had the most regeneration funding per head of anywhere in England. But the response from residents, still struggling with the cost of living, can feel muted. Read more: ft.trib.al/t7R6cMm

h/t to @tonybarrett.bsky.social great breakdown chart for my recurrent irk anytime someone speaks airily about "populism/populism on bothsides" growing. Last 30 yrs have been *pretty bad* for the Far Left (populist or o/w) -good luck figuring out when the Global Financial Crisis happened from this!

Matthijs Rooduijn@mrooduijn.bsky.social · last mo.

Linking The PopuList to national election results shows that almost 1 in 4 Europeans now vote for a far-right party, while around 1 in 3 support an anti-establishment party. Support for far-left parties is at its lowest level since 1989: only around 1% now vote for a far-left party.