Tessera

Folgen

Political Science Department at Northwestern University

@polisciatnu.bsky.social

Official account of Northwestern University's Political Science Department. https://lnk.bio/polisciatnu

171 Posts1310 Follower 356 Folgt

European Journal of International Security @ejisbisa.bsky.social · yesterday

🇷🇺💻 NEW: "Radical realpolitik of the new media environment: Lessons from Russia on security, information, and power" by Dinara Urazova (@polisciatnu.bsky.social). ✍️👉 Open access - read here: www.cambridge.org/core/journal...

Roberta Buffett Institute for Global Affairs @buffett.northwestern.edu · last wk.

Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Nadia Murad joined @buffett.northwestern.edu's The Peace We Make Symposium for a conversation on surviving the Yazidi genocide and turning pain into purpose — to be "the last girl with a story like mine." Watch the full recording: buffett.northwestern.edu/news/2025/th...

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 2w ago

Camille Haines (WCAS/MDL'26), who recently graduated with Honors in Political Science, has a new post out with Her Campus on Laalitya Acharya, the Democratic Party candidate for Ohio House of Representatives District 56 @acharyaforohio.bsky.social www.hercampus.com/culture/ohio...

This Columbia Grad Is Running For Office — & She's Not Taking Corporate PAC Money To Get There

Get to know Gen Z Ohio House Candidate Laalitya Acharya, who's running for office with hopes of changing politics.

hercampus.com

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 2w ago

Recent Ph.D. & @afamuw.bsky.social Professor Andrene Wright-Johnson has published a new article with @prqjournal.bsky.social : Women Representing Women: Maternal Health Advocacy and the Limits of Gendered Solidarity

Women Representing Women: Maternal Health Advocacy and the Limits of Gendered Solidarity
Andrene Wright-Johnson. July 1, 2026, Online First. Political Research Quarterly. Vol. 0(0) 1–17.
https://doi.org/10.1177/10659129261465912

ABSTRACT
A persistent puzzle in American politics is whether shared gendered experiences can bridge enduring racial divides in political attitudes. This study evaluates whether maternal health policy frames can activate gendered solidarity among white women in ways that shape their support for a Black woman candidate. Using a survey experiment fielded to a representative sample of 1,047 white women, I assess how exposure to maternal-health-oriented policy messages influences evaluations of Black women candidates. The results show that white women respond sharply to explicitly race-specific health policy agendas, while gender-only health policy agendas do not meaningfully increase support for a Black woman candidate. Additional analyses using established measures of racial resentment and gender consciousness help illuminate these patterns. Notably, gender consciousness is only reactive to the intersectional policy cues. Exposure to the Black maternal health frame (race and gender) reduces the otherwise positive effect of gender consciousness on support for a Black woman candidate. Taken together, racialized attitudes remain the most powerful and consistent predictor of support, while gender consciousness contributes little to no positive upside for Black women candidates.

Figure 1. Candidate support. Note. Figure represented with 95% confidence intervals, n = 1,047.

While all policy positions produced less favorable results for the Black women candidate than health care for all (control), findings presented below in Figure 1 suggest that the two racially-oriented positions correspond to the lowest levels of political favorability for Carolyn Johnson, with both racial treatment variables being statistically significant.12 Relative to the control condition, support for the Black woman candidate declined significantly when she endorsed a Black health policy (95% CI [−0.527, −0.017]). Support also declined when she endorsed a Black maternal health policy (90% CI [−0.478, 0.034]). This suggests support for H1c and marginal support for H1d.

Since the scores are above 5, a facile viewing of these responses may suggest tension with foundational theory,13 but I would underscore that, without an alternative candidate for the respondents to rate, we cannot make any claims regarding relative favorability of other hypothetical candidates (put differently, the respondents may very well be predisposed to rating candidates on the higher-end of the 1–7 scale).14 What we can assess is how support varies across issue frames, using health care for all, an agenda historically favored among women voters and one that is neither racialized nor gendered, as a reference category.

Among the experimental conditions, we can also see from Figure 1 that support for a Black women candidate is strongest amongst respondents exposed to the maternal health treatment. However, the estimated effect of the maternal health treatment was substantively small and statistically insignificant (95% CI [−0.279, 0.235]), indicating that support did not differ from the control condition. Therefore, H1a is not supported.

Using a composite score for racial resentment on the X-axis and a composite score of support for the Black woman candidate on the Y-axis, Figure 4 plots the interaction between racial resentment and candidate support across the four versions of the health care frame. As expected, racial resentment is a strong and consistently negative predictor of support for the Black woman candidate. However, the slope of this relationship varies modestly by treatment.

The maternal health frame produces the least negative association between racial resentment and support, but the interaction term is small and statistically insignificant, indicating that this frame does not meaningfully alter the impact of racial resentment in either direction. By contrast, the explicitly racial frame (Black health) significantly strengthens the negative effect of racial resentment on support. The intersectional frame (Black maternal health) falls between these two: its interaction term is negative but not statistically distinguishable from zero, suggesting only a marginal, or at best ambiguous, intensification of resentment’s effect. Taken together, these patterns imply that while explicitly racialized policy cues amplify the influence of racial resentment, adding a gendered component softens that amplification slightly. For white women respondents, maternal language may introduce just enough gendered resonance to reduce (though not eliminate) the heightened penalty associated with racialized frames.

To probe this gendered dynamic further, I next examine an interaction between treatment condition and gender consciousness. While standard measures of gender consciousness were included in the survey, prior research suggests that these scales often capture liberal feminist ideology rather than a broader sense of gendered identity (Klatch 2001; Schreiber 2002). To avoid producing a measure that would disproportionately reflect liberal attitudes and risk alienating conservative women, I constructed a composite score using two items that tap a wider range of gendered meaning-making. To assess whether gender matters in respondents’ political lives, participants were asked: “When you make political decisions, how important is your gender identity?” To gauge the extent to which respondents perceive a shared fate or collective identity among women, they were asked: “How much would you say that women in this country have a lot in common with one another?”16 The average of these items forms the composite measure of gendered consciousness used on the X-axis, with the composite support measure on the Y-axis.

Figure 5 shows that respondents with stronger gender consciousness tend to evaluate the Black woman candidate more positively. Gender consciousness then serves as a strong and positive predictor of support. However, unlike racial resentment, this relationship is relatively stable across treatment conditions. None of the treatment interactions reach conventional levels of statistical significance relative to the control frame. The only condition approaching significance is the race-and-gender treatment (Black maternal health). Rather than activating a cross-racial gendered solidarity, my findings suggest that this intersectional cue marginally dampens the otherwise positive association between gender consciousness and candidate support.

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 3w ago

Matej Jungwirth @matejjung.bsky.social & Neonila Glukhodid have co-authored "Returning to the Past? Typology of Decision-Making of Ukrainian Forced Migrants in the Czech Republic and Germany" out now in a new edited volume Fragmented Lives in Times of War via @columbiaup.bsky.social #OpenAccess

First page of Jungwirth, Matej/Glukhodid, Neonila (2026). Returning to the Past?. In: (Eds.), Fragmented Lives in Times of War (191-216). Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839477427-191

Meaning-making and motivations for refugee return are understudied in general and they are particularly puzzling in the case of Ukrainians displaced after the fullscale Russian invasion in February 2022. First, returns to Ukraine are occurring in the middle of an ongoing conflict characterised, inter alia, by widespread airstrikes on civilian infrastructure;this contradicts the most basic international understandings of refugee repatriation as a process principally undertaken when conditions at home are both safe and sustainable. Second, EU member states hosting Ukrainian forced migrants after 2022 have been exceptionally receptive, both relative to other crises of forced displacement and overall ‒ invoking for the first time the European Union’s temporary protection directive that grants Ukrainian refugees unprecedented access to education, housing, health, and work in EU member states.

Book cover of Kuzemska, Lidia, ed. (2026), Fragmented Lives in Times of War (1-6). Bielefeld: transcript Verlag. https://doi.org/10.14361/9783839477427-001

What are the challenges faced by forced migrants within and from Ukraine due to the Russian invasion? The interdisciplinary contributors shed light on the lives of displaced persons, which are divided ‒ in terms of time, space, and social context ‒ into a »before« and »after« the war. They analyse the uncertainties faced by war migrants and those who have decided to remain in Ukraine, and how people navigate these uncertainties in everyday life. The volume presents case studies from various European countries that make an important contribution to the growing literature on forced migration from Ukraine and provides new insights into the under-researched areas of internal displacement and voluntary immobility in Ukraine.

About the Author
Lidia Kuzemska is a sociologist with a keen interdisciplinary interest in forced migration, internal displacement, borders and bordering, citizenship, and migration policy. She obtained her PhD in Sociology from Lancaster University in 2022 and was first a research fellow (2022-2023) and then academic coordinator (2024-2025) at the Forum Transregionale Studien (Berlin) within the research group Prisma Ukraїna: War, Memory, Migration afterwards. She is also a research affiliate at the Refugee Law Initiative (SAS) at the University of London. Her research focuses on internal and external displacement of Ukrainians since 2014.

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 3w ago

Please join us in congratulating TWO professors, Isabella Bellezza ( @isabellabellezza.bsky.social ) & Elizabeth Thom ( @ipratnu.bsky.social ), who have have both received 2026 APSA Best Dissertation Awards!!! 👏👏👏💜🚀🚀🚀 politicalsciencenow.com/congratulati...

photo of Dr. Isabella Bellezza, College Fellow & Assistant Professor of Political Science at Northwestern University

photo of Dr. Elizabeth L. Thom, College Fellow & Assistant Professor of Political Science and Environmental Policy & Culture at Northwestern University

Roberta Buffett Institute for Global Affairs @buffett.northwestern.edu · 3w ago

How does cooperation unfold during global climate negotiations? @polisciatnu.bsky.social PhD student Kevin Wagner shares insights from COP30 in Brazil, where he conducted research with Buffett Institute support. Read the Q&A: buffett.northwestern.edu/news/2026/co...

Tadeas Cely @celytadeas.bsky.social · 3w ago

This paper is now online and #OpenAccess. While you are at @poqjournal.bsky.social, you can also check out our article with @marcjacob.bsky.social and @seanjwestwood.bsky.social on accountability for democratic norm violations in races for different political offices: doi.org/10.1093/poq/...

doi.org

Political Science Department at Northwestern University@polisciatnu.bsky.social · 3w ago

New article out with @poqjournal.bsky.social 🚨 Not Your Mama’s Ideology (But Close): Modest Generational Differences in Ideological Alignment in Postcommunist Europe Ph.D. candidate Matej Jungwirth ( @matejjung.bsky.social ) @lenkahrbkova.bsky.social & @celytadeas.bsky.social

This paper examines whether generational change in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is associated with shifts in how political attitudes align along the conventional economic–cultural left–right dimension. Because cohorts in the region were socialized under different political–economic systems, CEE provides a setting to assess whether younger generations display patterns of attitude alignment that differ from those of older cohorts. Using pooled European Social Survey data (2004–2023) and original surveys from Czechia, Hungary, and Lithuania, we combine an age–period–cohort analysis of left–right alignment with a network analysis of associations among thirteen salient issues. We find modest generational differences in the early 2000s, but these diminish over time, with all cohorts exhibiting similarly low levels of left–right alignment. Economic and cultural attitudes remain weakly connected, and EU- and foreign-policy issues often form separate clusters. The findings indicate that generational replacement has not produced a shift toward a more conventional left–right organization of belief systems in the region.

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 3w ago

We adopt a two-pronged approach, combining large-N individual-level analysis with an in-depth study of ideological alignment in a smaller subset of countries but across a larger set of political issues. First, we use European Social Survey (ESS) data from nine Central and Eastern European EU member states to analyze trends from 2004 to 2023 on four core political issues: EU integration, LGBT rights, income inequality, and immigration (see table 1).

For individual-level analysis, we implement an age-period-cohort effects model to examine the alignment of positions across each pair of issues (i.e., six pairs among the four issues identified above: EU integration, LGBT rights, income inequality, and immigration). Alignment is measured through its inverse—the absolute distance between an individual’s positions on the two issues within each pair.5 Figure 1A illustrates how this measurement captures alignment. An individual takes a position
on one issue. This position is one standard deviation above the mean and thus liberal relative to the attitudes of others. In two scenarios, they can take a position (0.5 SD above the mean), which indicates alignment (a 0.5 SD distance), as they are liberal on both attitudes.

This approach allows for multivariate analysis that controls for additional socioeconomic differences across generations. We can describe temporal trends in alignment. It also allows for an analysis of heterogeneity in generational effects. The random forest model is summarized in Supplementary Material section E and discussed briefly below.

Using networks to measure the interconnectedness of beliefs is a well-established method in public opinion research (see, e.g., Baldassarri and Goldberg 2014; Gonthier and Guerra 2023; Van Noord et al. 2025; Cely 2025b). Networks are estimated using Spearman correlations, as opinions are measured on short ordinal scales.10 To assess interconnectedness in a manner consistent with a unidimensional ideological continuum (i.e., alignment with left–right stances as predefined by researchers; see table 2), we employ the measure of global expected influence (GEI), which captures the extent to which beliefs are constrained along a predefined ideological direction. Full wording of all items is provided in Supplementary Material section A. GEI differs from alternative metrics such as global strength, which does not assume directionality.11 Given the 78 edges among the 13 issues, both metrics can theoretically range from zero—indicating complete independence among all issues—to 78, which would imply perfect correlations of one across all issue pairs in the predefined direction. Empirically, we expect substantially lower values, as individual beliefs correlate only weakly in European contexts (Cely 2025a), and some negative associations are also very likely (Malka et al. 2019).

Roberta Buffett Institute for Global Affairs @buffett.northwestern.edu · 4w ago

In a recent video with journalist Johnny Harris, Professor Jeffrey Winters addressed the paradox of how inequality widens under democracy, arguing that oligarchy isn't a failure of democracy, but a feature embedded within its very design. Watch the video: www.youtube.com/watch?v=4S25...

Oligarchy is worse than you think

YouTube video by Johnny Harris

youtube.com

Jonathan Schulman @jonathanschulman.bsky.social · 4w ago

Read the full report here: www.pewresearch.org/global/2026/...

Trump Gets Negative Reviews Internationally as Fewer Say U.S. Is a Reliable Partner

A 36-country survey finds declining ratings for the U.S. amid rising concerns about its foreign policy and the health of its democracy.

pewresearch.org

Jonathan Schulman @jonathanschulman.bsky.social · 4w ago

In 31 out of 36 countries surveyed, less than half of people have confidence in Trump to do the right thing regarding world affairs. In 26 of those places, 30% or less have confidence in him.

NYU Law Democracy Project @democracyproject.bsky.social · 4w ago

From Laurel Harbridge-Yong @polisciatnu.bsky.social —"Can Primary Reform Solve the Primary Problem?"

NYU Law Democracy Project @democracyproject.bsky.social · 4w ago

New "What's Next?" essay by Laurel Harbridge-Yong @polisciatnu.bsky.social — "Can Primary Reform Solve the Primary Problem?" @nyulaw "What's Next?" features reforms, critiques, & original proposals from across the ideological spectrum Read the essay here: democracyproject.org/posts/can-pr...

Can Primary Reform Solve the Primary Problem?

A broad range of views on democracy to help break the stalemate caused by partisan conflict.

democracyproject.org

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · last mo.

📽️ Professor Iza Ding ( @izading.bsky.social ) joins @remarquenyu.bsky.social for a presentation on on "Liberal Elites and Democratic Defense" youtu.be/J0wDp5Xm13o?...

Iza Ding and John Ganz on Elites and Democracy | Part 1

YouTube video by Remarque NYU

youtu.be

Princeton University Press @princetonupress.bsky.social · last mo.

In A New World of Revolutions, @arturochang.bsky.social reconstructs the histories, politics, & legacies of the Age of Revolutions (c. 1770–1850) from the vantage point of popular movements in the Americas. Out now (28 July UK/EU pub). Check out a free preview: press.princeton.edu/books/hardco...

A New World of Revolutions: Popular Imaginations and Movements across the Americas by Arturo Chang

Arturo Chang @arturochang.bsky.social · last mo.

I enjoyed writing this piece reflecting on American identities as we near the 250th anniversary of US independence. Many thanks to the team at @zocalopublicsquare.bsky.social for their support and encouragement!

Zócalo Public Square@zocalopublicsquare.bsky.social · last mo.

What identities, communities, and cultures comprise the category of “America”? @arturochang.bsky.social explains why the U.S. semiquincentennial offers people throughout the Americas a chance to reflect and rethink. zps.la/3SU8kp6

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · last mo.

What impact does the rise of lawyers have on the design of international cooperation? Recent Ph.D. & UT-Arlington Prof. Bo Won Kim joins @syracuseu.bsky.social Prof. Minju Kim @minjulisettekim.bsky.social via @the-peio.bsky.social doi.org/10.1007/s115...

Arbitrators as advisors: Evidence from changes in investment treaty design - The Review of International Organizations

The international investment regime is increasingly reliant on the expertise of lawyers. What impact does the rise of lawyers have on the design of international cooperation? We argue that lawyers can advise states to create international investment agreements (IIAs) that lower institutional barriers, making it easier for investors to access legal dispute resolution. Using an original dataset of 479 arbitration practitioners registered with the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes from 1974 to 2023, along with a newly constructed dataset measuring investors’ access to legal dispute settlement, we find that states with a larger pool of arbitration practitioners are more likely to amend their treaties in a way that eases investors’ access to Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS). We also find support for our theory through interviews with arbitration practitioners. Our findings can explain why states maintain investor-friendly ISDS clauses, even after suffering losses from previous ISDS disputes. The growing reliance on lawyers can reshape and professionalize international cooperation beyond the purview of states.

doi.org

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · last mo.

New from @ipratnu.bsky.social fellow & Political Science Prof. Alexander Coppock @aecoppock.bsky.social w/ Radha Sarkar (ITESM ) The Effects of Religious Messages and Endorsements on Political Attitudes: A Meta-Reanalysis @apsrjournal.bsky.social Open Access: doi.org/10.1017/S000...

SARKAR R, COPPOCK A. The Effects of Religious Messages and Endorsements on Political Attitudes: A Meta-Reanalysis. American Political Science Review. Published online 2026:1-22. doi:10.1017/S0003055426101695

The experimental study of the effects of religious messages and endorsements by religious leaders on political attitudes has a relatively short history yet has coalesced around three main claims: religious treatments are especially effective because of their religious character, effects are larger for religious affiliates than nonaffiliates, and effects are larger for high religiosity types than low religiosity types. Here, we meta-reanalyze the experimental record (58 treatment-outcome pairs drawn from 43 studies reported in 26 papers) to probe the generalizability of these claims. Our findings indicate that these three headline claims do not generalize straightforwardly across contexts: effects are large in some cases and close to zero in others, and we find no evidence in favor of the claimed heterogeneities by religious affiliation or religiosity. Based on a census of the estimands in this literature, we offer suggestions for future research that would enhance commensurability and synthesis.

In total, we considered 76 studies reported in 55 papers, including those that we formally meta-reanalyzed, as well as those that we did not (for reasons detailed in the “Discussion” Section and in Section F of the Supplementary Material). Our informal reading of the literature’s top estimands was confirmed by the census. Considering only average treatment effects, we found 37 studies that estimated the effect of a religious message on a political attitude, 14 that compared the effect of a religious message on a political attitude to that of a secular message, and 11 that estimated the effect of religious endorsements on political attitudes. Following those, we found studies of the effect of religious attributes on candidate support (7), the effect of religious messages on descriptive norms (5), the effect of religious messages on donation behavior (5), and 58 other distinct estimands for which there were 4 or fewer estimates. Fully 46 average effect estimands in this literature were studied just once.

Figure 1 gives a visual representation of the estimand census. Each study (not paper) in our meta-analysis is arrayed on the horizontal axis. Each facet collects together estimands that share a common treatment and outcome. In the main text, we show only the three treatment-outcome pairs that are the focus of our meta-study, but in the Supplementary Material, we provide equivalent figures for the remaining treatment-outcome pairs. The vertical axis shows the subsamples ever considered for effect heterogeneity in any paper and is arranged by frequency across papers, with the most common subsamples at the top. The three kinds of samples we meta-reanalyze here are in fact the most common: nearly every study reports a full-sample effect estimate (an ATE), and many consider effect heterogeneity by religiosity and religious affiliation. We mark points with a star rather than a dot to indicate their inclusion in our meta-analysis.

Average Treatment Effects
Figure 2 reports 36 estimates of the effects of religious messages versus a pure control. Of these, 8 are positive and significant, 1 is negative and significant, and the remaining 27 are nonsignificant. Of the 8 significant estimates, 5 (all positive) remain significant after a false discovery rate 𝑝 -value adjustment. Our random-effects summary estimate is 1.1 points (0–100 scale) with a standard error of 0.8 points, which is not statistically significant. We do, however, find clear evidence of heterogeneity across the 36 studies (Q-test 𝑝 -value ≤0.001 ), with an estimated standard deviation of 3.6 points. We see here that the very strong results of Masoud, Jamal, and Nugent (Reference Masoud, Jamal and Nugent2016) (8-point effect in Egypt), Blair et al. (Reference Blair, Littman, Nugent, Wolfe, Bukar, Crisman and Etim2021) (10-point effect in Nigeria), or Chauchard and Badrinathan (Reference Chauchard and Badrinathan2025) (11-point effect in India) do not generalize straightforwardly to other religious messages, outcomes or places (although, of course, we do not know why or the scope to which they do generalize). By the same token, the very small effects estimated in other contexts do not obviously generalize to the contexts of the Egypt, Nigeria, or India studies.

International Studies Association @isanet.bsky.social · last mo.

Applications open TODAY for the 2026-2027 Dissertation Completion #Fellowship. This award for #EarlyCareerScholars in the later stages of their #PhD program. It is intended to help #Students offset the cost of completing their dissertation. Eligibility Criteria & submission details ➡️ buff.ly/wS3aGJh

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · last mo.

🔥Hot off the press via @ispp-pops.bsky.social A very particular set of skills: The role of perspective-taking in hostage diplomacy negotiations Profs. Dani Gilbert ( @danigilbert.bsky.social / @buffett.northwestern.edu ) & Cynthia Wang ( @cynthiascwang.bsky.social / @drrc-kellogg.bsky.social )

Gilbert, D., & Wang, C. S. (2026). A very particular set of skills: The role of perspective-taking in hostage diplomacy negotiations. Political Psychology, 47, e70173. https://doi.org/10.1111/pops.70173

Abstract
Hostage diplomacy—detaining foreign nationals for leverage under the pretext of national law—is a growing international security problem. Beyond constituting a violation of international law, hostage diplomacy is challenging to resolve. Target states must deal with aggressive, sovereign perpetrators; handle a fraudulent but plausible legal process; account for numerous stakeholders; and protect their citizens from future harm. How do target-state negotiators navigate these challenges? This theory-building article explores perspective-taking—imagining the world from another's vantage point—as a tool to shape target-state negotiators' effectiveness in navigating hostage diplomacy. We introduce a model that conceptualizes perspective-taking on two dimensions. First, negotiators can use multiple-perspective taking, considering various stakeholders, including interests within their own government, the perpetrator's government, and the hostage's family. Second, across stakeholders, negotiators can take strategic, cultural, emotional, and moral perspectives. We posit that engaging in different forms of perspective-taking improves target-state negotiators' ability to identify a domestic win-set, reach international agreement, and anticipate future crises. Drawing on insights from members of the U.S. hostage-recovery enterprise, we offer a plausibility probe suggesting that perspective-taking affects the process and outcomes of negotiations. Perspective-taking may thus help negotiators better manage power dynamics, navigate informal rules of engagement, alleviate uncertainty, and bolster global security.

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · last mo.

And so, that’s how we get a system which is both democratic and oligarchic at the same time, something which never existed before in human history. Northwestern Professor and EDGS Program Dir. @buffett.northwestern.edu Jeffrey Winters joins @democracynow.org www.democracynow.org/2026/5/27/th...

“How Oligarchs Dominate Our Democracies”: Northwestern Prof. Jeffrey Winters on Book “The Blind Spot”

We speak with political scientist Jeffrey Winters about his new book, The Blind Spot: How Oligarchs Dominate Our Democracies. Winters argues that democracy’s failure to address wealth inequality is by...

democracynow.org

Alex Coppock @aecoppock.bsky.social · last mo.

Our (with Radha Sarkar) meta-reanalysis of the experimental religion and politics literature is now out at @apsrjournal.bsky.social Open-access link: doi.org/10.1017/S000... Brief thread

title page of journal, that reads:

The effects of religious messages and endorsements on political attitudes: A meta-reanalysis
Sarkar, Radha, Coppock, Alexander. 2026. The effects of religious messages and endorsements on political attitudes: A meta-reanalysis. American Political Science Review.

Abstract
The experimental study of the effects of religious messages and endorsements by religious leaders on political attitudes has a relatively short history yet has coalesced around three main claims: religious treatments are especially effective because of their religious character, effects are larger for religious affiliates than nonaffiliates, and effects are larger for high religiosity types than low religiosity types. Here we meta re-analyze the experimental record (58 treatment-outcome pairs drawn from 43 studies reported in 26 papers) to probe the generalizability of these claims. Our findings indicate that these three headline claims do not generalize straightforwardly across contexts: effects are large in some cases and close to zero in others, and we find no evidence in favor of the claimed heterogeneities by religious affiliation or religiosity. Based on a census of the estimands in this literature, we offer suggestions for future research that would enhance commensurability and synthesis.

Perspectives on Politics @poppublicsphere.bsky.social · last mo.

¡¡VOLUME 24, ISSUE 2 IS NOW OUT!! shorturl.at/AtRFj shorturl.at/jblyl Incl. work by @jennifermwelsh.bsky.social, @rbkhoury.bsky.social, @aasiegel.bsky.social, @emilykmscott.bsky.social, @mironovavera.bsky.social, @emamet.bsky.social, @jholloway.bsky.social, @duncanmcdonnell.com...

Wendy Pearlman @wendy-pearlman.bsky.social · last mo.

It took a long time to process my trips to Syria & even longer to write about it. Over 14 years collecting Syrians' stories, I built a relationship to the country that was both intimate & vicarious. This essay shares new stories I heard when I visited & also my own. www.publicbooks.org/dear-syria/

“Dear Syria … ” - Public Books

“Here I was, crossing from Lebanon into Syria and from the realm of other peoples’ stories into that of lived experience, including my own.”

publicbooks.org

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · last mo.

Wage theft—when employers fail to pay workers what they are legally owed—remains a pervasive problem in the United States and around the world. New Policy Brief from @ipratnu.bsky.social fellow and Political Science Professor Daniel J. Galvin: www.ipr.northwestern.edu/our-work/pol...

Policy Briefs: Institute for Policy Research - Northwestern University

IPR policy research briefs recap important policy-relevant findings.

ipr.northwestern.edu

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 2mo ago

Please join us in congratulating Professor Emeritus Jerry Goldman for receiving the Lifetime Achievement Award from the Law and Courts section of the American Political Science Association. 👏👏 👏 🎉🎉🎉 apsanet.org/membership/o... 🧵 includes quotations from the Law And Court Section Announcement:

Section 02 - American Political Science Association (APSA)

Law and Courts Section Award Recipients More information on the Law and Courts section Best Conference Paper AwardBest Graduate Student Paper AwardBest

apsanet.org

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 2mo ago

@ipratnu.bsky.social, the Chicago Worker’s Collaborative, & the Workplace Justice Lab, dir. by Prof Daniel Galvin, have received an ANCHOR grant to survey temporary workers in Cook County to expose exploitation & enforce workplace rights for the most vulnerable. news.northwestern.edu/stories/2026...

Northwestern funds support 12 community programs dedicated to health, opportunity and resilience

The ANCHOR grant program has awarded more than $2 million to Evanston and Chicago groups

news.northwestern.edu

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 2mo ago

How Have Interpretivism and Big Data Changed the Landscape for Measurement Validation? New chapter by Prof. Jaye Seawright from Working with Concepts Foundational Essays by David Collier, with Research Notes on Innovation in the Field doi.org/10.1017/9781...

Summary
David Collier’s work on measurement validity and methods of validation establishes a baseline understanding that still largely describes the state of theory and practice. Scholars have developed some new ideas, and real-world conditions have changed in ways that shift the picture in subtle but important ways, but the road map that Collier’s work set up remains a useful guide to the landscape. There may well be sufficient differences between the ethnographic and interpretive measurement methods that have gained intellectual ground in recent years, in comparison with the more established case-based tradition, to potentially divide the tradition in two. The availability of large, complex data sets through digital distribution pushes scholars toward statistical techniques and, in particular, toward more generalized measurement hypotheses – a trend that leads to good research but also produces some losses. There may be opportunities for research that brings case-based techniques back in to ground these methods in more specificity, although the challenge of how to do this efficiently will demand serious methodological work. Finally, the text-as-data tradition shows scholars who have run ahead of the methodological literature in terms of mixing methods across measurement traditions and the qualitative/quantitative divide.

Political Science Department at Northwestern University @polisciatnu.bsky.social · 2mo ago

New Article from @chloethurston.bsky.social, @asdurso.bsky.social , Beata Woźniak-Jęchorek, & Megha Patnaik Understanding employee trade-offs in remote work: toward more sustainable workplace design doi.org/10.1016/j.js...

Beata Woźniak-Jęchorek, Amanda Sahar d’Urso, Chloe Nicol Thurston, Megha Patnaik,
Understanding employee trade-offs in remote work: toward more sustainable workplace design,
The Journal of Strategic Information Systems,
Volume 35, Issue 2,
2026,
101970,
ISSN 0963-8687,
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jsis.2026.101970.
(https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S096386872600017X)

Highlights
• Remote and hybrid work persist, but conditions for their long-term sustainability remain unclear.
• We shift focus from structures to how employees evaluate and trade off job attributes.
• A conjoint study shows acceptance depends on bundles of features, not single attributes.
• Work location and salary act as key anchors shaping employee preferences.
• Sustainability emerges from compensatory trade-offs aligned with employees’ priorities.

Abstract
Remote and hybrid work have become enduring features of digitally mediated organizations, yet questions remain about the conditions under which such arrangements can be sustained over time. Prior research on remote work sustainability emphasizes structural and technological enablers, often assuming that flexibility, compensation, or organizational support translates directly into employee acceptance. This study extends that literature by adopting a preference-based perspective. We conceptualize sustainability as grounded in how employees evaluate and trade off multiple, interdependent job attributes. Drawing on a choice-based conjoint experiment with 627 full-time U.S. workers, we examine how employees assess bundled features related to work location, salary, monitoring, scheduling, expense reimbursement, and organizational support. The findings indicate that employee acceptance is shaped less by isolated job attributes than by how these features are configured in relation to employees’ prioritized needs, with the degree of remote work and salary serving as central reference dimensions. By foregrounding employee evaluative logic and compensatory trade-offs, this study clarifies the micro-level conditions under which remote and hybrid work arrangements are likely to be accepted and sustained.